Instead of looking at the polls, maybe New York's pundits and political players should have consulted Gotham Gazette's 2008 prognosticators. A large number forecast that Mayor Michael Bloomberg would either lose his bid for re-election or as actually happened, win only narrowly.
Baruch College professor Doug Muzzio, perhaps not entirely seriously, put it this way: "In a political stunner, capo di tutti capi of New York politics, Mike "Nine Zeroes" Bloomberg is denied a third term, even after spending $100 million plus, making many offers that couldn't be refused but ultimately were, by a majority of NYC voters." City Comptroller William Thompson Jr. also saw a Bloomberg defeat -- though did not go so far as to divine his own election.
Our prescient predictors also forecast the ramifications of tough economic times, including in novelist Kevin Baker's view, "a growing disparity of wealth." Manhattan College finance professor Charles Geisst foresaw cutbacks "in all city serves since so much wealth has been destroyed in the markets and, with it, tax revenues." WNYC's Brian Lehrer sensed that "the new Yankee Stadium will have may gold-plated empty seats."
Although no one predicted -- who would have dared? -- the chaos that engulfed Albany for much of the year, several did see trouble ahead.
Holding on to some hope, Steve Cohen, executive director of the Earth Institute at Columbia, ventured, "In 2009, we will learn if our political leadership can match the talents and courage of Hugh Carey and Ed Koch, or if we will have the revival of the three guys in a room that got us into this fiscal mess." (Guess we know the answer to that one.)
Jonathan Bowles of the Center for an Urban Future proved closer to the mark: "The state legislature's eventual response to this economic and fiscal crisis will remind New Yorkers, yet again, that the city has few friends in Albany and that the legislature is truly the most dysfunctional such body in America."
Of course our intrepid forecasters missed the mark at times as well. They variously foresaw George Soros, Tina Fey and Rensselaer Polytechnic Institute President Shirley Jackson as getting the appointment to fill Secretary of State Hillary Clinton's Senate seat. No one predicted Kirsten Gillibrand.
Then there were those predictions that would make many New Yorkers think "if only." Here's one from Lehrer: "The Ravitch Commission's recommendation [on transit funding] will be adopted almost unchanged and the city will be grateful for the next 30 years as world-class mass transit infrastructure attracts sustained private sector development."
Gene Russianoff of the Straphanger's Campaign veered a bit closer to the reality: "The state will permit the transportation authority to toll the East River Bridges, but only for vehicles driven by motorists who are visitors from very, very distant galaxies."
So what is the outlook for next year? We turn once again to a panel of experts who offer their predictions below and invite you to tune in in another 12 months to see who had the clearest crystal ball. (In the meantime, please share your predictions for 2010 -- or reaction to these -- by commenting on this story.
After reviewing the five-minute grace period [for parking violations] after it goes into effect, [Mayor Michael Bloomberg] is going to be so excited he's going to suggest a 10-minute grace period.
I have several predictions for yet another frenetically changing landscape in political life.
I will trip while jogging on a Staten Island street and, while I am temporarily prone on the ground, the Department of Transportation will attempt to paint a bike lane on my fallen body.
The council's Republican delegation will be asked to star in a Verizon "can you hear me now" commercial, as we will be spending lots of time taking calls from the leaders of each side of City Hall who quickly realize our block of five votes is more and more crucial.
At one point (or more) during the year, one of our colleagues will be making some excessively long-winded speech at a committee hearing and Councilmember Lew Fidler and I will pretend to be listening but will really be discussing a rotisserie baseball trade.
A groundswell of support will emerge to make Doug Muzzio grand marshal of a Columbus Day parade somewhere in this great metropolis.
I will be wagering on the under/over on how many votes Charles Barron will get for council speaker. Here's a hint: The under is a "mortal lock."
Marcia Bystryn, she of blatant conflicts of interest and a member of the Water Board, will vote for yet another water rate spike, no matter how egregiously high it is or how hurtful it is to New Yorkers.
I will be consistently funnier than Simcha Felder throughout the year.
Unfortunately, my only truly serious prediction is my most dire: Too many people on both sides of City Hall will attempt to keep government on an unsustainable path of spending, which will continue to crush tax payers and small business owners into submission, forcing them to move out of the city, close up shop and endure a quality of life that is appreciably worse than years past.
Tiger Woods' wife will be much richer than she started out this year.
We are going to have an on-time budget this year that makes significant improvements on the way we do taxation and also looks at spending in a more critical matter.
I predict I won't be a candidate for governor.
Mike Bloomberg pays off his bribe to Ron Lauder for not challenging the term limits extension by naming him to the Charter revision commission, which he once again announces in a State of the City speech.
David Paterson resigns; Richard Ravitch becomes governor. Ravitch appoints Eliot Spitzer lieutenant governor. Ravitch resigns; Spitzer becomes governor. Spitzer names Paterson lieutenant governor.
New York State legislature was found by the Brennan Center to be the most corrupt in the nation. What pushes New York over the top is the indictment by the U.S. Attorney of 17 current and former members of the State Assembly and 12 current or former senators in an "ongoing" probe of legislative corruption.
Mets win Series; Rangers, the Stanley Cup; Knicks in six in the NBA Finals; Jets v. Giants Super Bowl. Marijuana legalized.
David Paterson steps aside in early February, accepting a post as special roving human rights ambassador for the White House. "I never said I wanted to be governor. It was all Eliot’s fault," he explains. "This new job is the opportunity of a lifetime. After dealing with Carl Kruger and his wacko pals, Kim Jong-il will be a relief."
Joe Bruno's corruption conviction is overturned on appeal after a split Supreme Court rules that the "honest services" statutes used against the ex-senate boss is unconstitutional. Writing for the majority, Justice Antonin Scalia states: "In their wisdom, the Founding Fathers understood that citizen-legislators need to make a living. Show me where it says it had to be an honest living?"
Andrew Cuomo launches his campaign for governor and tells Post state editor Fred Dicker that he's going to be nothing like Spitzer. "You and Eliot really got off on the wrong foot Fred and I’m not going to let that happen with us," he vows. "No governor in his right mind wants both you and your boss Rupert as enemies. I learned that from my father." In the following weeks, Dicker runs off a string of exclusive stories based on insider tips from the AG’s office and Cuomo campaign.
As the economy of New York City continues to sputter, all stakeholders come together to help reduce the cost of government and avoid additional burdens on taxpayers that would further discourage job growth and consumer spending, including:
1. A new pension tier is agreed to by the unions for all city public employees, including the uniformed services, and adopted by the legislature. As part of this agreement, "Christmas bonuses" for retired police and firefighters are eliminated; a minimum retirement age for uniformed employees is adopted; and reimbursement of retirees' Medicare Part B premiums is eliminated.
2. The mayor and the United Federation of Teachers come to an agreement on a new contract that expands the use of merit pay; provides differentials for shortage positions such as math and science teachers; speeds the process of terminating incompetent teachers; and curtails the amount of time un-utilized teachers can collect full pay.
3. The legislature agrees to congestion pricing in Manhattan, reducing traffic and pollution and providing a reliable revenue stream to support the MTA and avert service cuts.
Voter frustration produces a new political dynamic in Albany that probably won't be that different from the old political dynamic except that compared to the craziness we see today, it'll feel refreshing and promising.
Mike Bloomberg leads the city effectively through a very difficult budget, reminding New Yorkers that competence is ultimately what matters most.
At least one major elected official running statewide next year takes things for granted and loses.
Knicks get LeBron (OK, that last part may be wishful thinking).
2009 was a devastating year for New York City's economy. As we move into 2010, I predict that Wall Street will continue to make money, but other areas of the city's economy such as small business and the communications sector will continue to struggle. In addition, unemployment will remain a severe problem in our city, so much so that many people ultimately will become so discouraged with the lack of job prospects that they will stop looking for work altogether.
The residential real estate market ultimately will stabilize even as the foreclosure crisis continues, resulting in high levels of New Yorkers losing their homes. We will see a growing problem in the commercial real estate market over the coming year, and 2010 also will yield a resurgence of cash. Because credit will remain tight, we will see greater numbers of New Yorkers paying for goods and services in cash. And at least in the beginning of 2010, New Yorkers will look to save some money by spending more evenings and weekends at home.
We expect to pass ethics reform – that is a top priority.
Property tax relief is a priority, and we expect to pass a balanced budget with no new taxes or fees. Those are all priorities that we feel are very attainable.
More chaos! The budget situation, senate leadership and the governor's race are all variables that will determine how the year goes. It all depends on how they play out.
Next year is 2010... on a serious note I would like to see continuing types of reform we were able to pass this year like the public authorities reform bill.
I am looking forward to introducing legislation on eminent domain reform. I think there is a movement that has been galvanized around that issue. I am hoping to see us reform the budget process as well. We need to do it the right way.
I hope the circus has left town -- never to return again. And if it comes back I hope it takes the long way back if at all.
Gov. Paterson enacts a statewide moratorium on eminent domain.
The Feds indict Bruce Ratner.
Cuomo commences a thorough investigation of the Empire State Development Corp.
The state legislature approves a bill removing "blight" as a justification for eminent domain.
Mikhail Prokhorov moves the Nets to Moscow, where they proceed to win a game.
Mayor Bloomberg comes to his senses and realizes that Atlantic Yards would be a huge stain on his legacy.
Brooklyn gets the kind of world-class development, at its crossroads, that it deserves.
2010 will be a year in which New York's status as the world's financial capital will be challenged on two fronts. Here at home, Washington D.C. will continue to pursue regulatory and tax actions that are intended to show angry American voters that Wall Street is being punished for its sins. From abroad, the competitive challenge will shift from London, which is suffering its own brand of regulatory self-destruction, to the Pacific Rim, most particularly the emerging financial centers in Singapore and Shanghai. I predict that the desire to remain a global economic power and to generate business investment in job creation ultimately will drive Washington, D.C. to legislate common sense reforms that strengthen our international position, but not before we go through a lot of hostile rhetoric that will keep New York and its financial industry on tenterhooks for the first part of the year.
My predictions for 2010 begin with the community continuing to be strong and supportive of every neighbor, resident and worker.
I am certain that crime and homelessness will be reduced, and I have hope that affordable housing will become readily available in Brooklyn and throughout New York City. The Atlantic Yards project will continue to be challenged in the New Year, and I predict the courts will make the right decision to stand against eminent domain and big development in Brooklyn.
I also believe that in the upcoming year job opportunities will be created. And, we will make major strides in the fight against all kinds of discrimination; I look forward to the day when marriage is a right extended to every New Yorker. Lastly, health and prosperity will be in abundance for 2010, and I predict taking care of youth and seniors will be the number one priority in this county.
In the spirit of the parodies, I write on New York City Public School Parents, here are my predictions:
Klein Closes Department of Education, Fires Self
April 7, 2010 (GBN News): Schools Chancellor Joel Klein, in a bold restructuring move, abruptly closed down the New York City Department of Education today and fired himself. The chancellor’s actions came following the release of the city’s reading test scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), showing that the city’s performance has remained flat for the past two years. On top of last fall’s report that math scores had not significantly improved since 2007, the revelations gave the chancellor no choice but to take this drastic step.
However, on the heels of this announcement, Mr. Klein dropped another bombshell. He told reporters that he gives more weight to the “steady progress” made since 2003 than the lack of progress in the past two years. Thus, he will be rehiring himself immediately and reconstituting the DOE.
These rapid-fire reorganizations come at a particularly challenging time for the education department. Just last week, Mr. Klein had announced the closing of the last remaining public high school in the city. The DOE had been closing more and more “underperforming” schools, with students from each one flooding the few non-charter schools that were left. It is unclear just where the 253,763 students from Alfred E. Neuman High School in Queens will go next year, but the chancellor had a reassuring message for concerned parents. “The good news,” said Mr. Klein, “is that with virtually no schools left, the high school application process has been considerably simplified.”
To put the outlook for next year in perspective, let us first look back. Historically speaking, 2009 was marked by three shameful "what were they thinking" moments.
The first came when the state legislature renamed the Triborough Bridge after Robert Kennedy, an admirable leader, but a man who had nothing to do with the bridge and little to do with the civic betterment of the city in which the bridge is located.
Then came the snubbing of no less a boldfaced name than George Washington. Washington led the American forces that defended the city at the outset of the Revolution and was the only president to serve here as the nation’s chief executive. That apparently was not good enough to qualify him as one of the New York City 400, the Museum of the City of New York's newly formulated list of the people "who have helped define New York City for the past four centuries." Washington’s new slogan should read, "First in war. First in peace. But below 400 at the MCNY."
Washington wasn’t the only one to find himself on the chilly side of a velvet rope. New York State declared 2009 the Hudson-Fulton Quadricentennial year. Henry Hudson was celebrated all over the city thanks to boatloads of Dutch cash. But where was the love for Robert Fulton. There was only one –- one! -- tribute to Fulton in New York City: the one my office threw together at the last minute to help correct the oversight. Next time you decide to throw a party, fellas, it might be nice to invite the guest of honor.
OK, enough about '09. What about next year? Well, 2010 contains the anniversaries of two little-known historical footnotes that have long fascinated me.
One hundred years ago in August, James J. Gallagher, a disgruntled former city worker, shot New York City Mayor William Jay Gaynor. (The mayor would survive the bullet wound. A New York World photographer snapped the scene moments after Gallagher pulled the trigger; the resulting photo is a stunning example of early photojournalism.)
And 75 years ago in February, some East Harlem boys discovered a live alligator in the New York City sewer system.
I predict that neither Gaynor nor the alligator will have a bridge named for them. Nor will they appear on any revised edition of the NYC400 list. But they will not be forgotten by the Manhattan Borough Historian’s Office. Stay tuned.
Cash-starved MTA will put advertisements on backs of unsuspecting riders, as well as resort to florescent paints when agency becomes unable to afford to replace light bulbs.
In a desperate move to address the MTA's ballooning budget deficit, MTA Chairman Jay Walder will be a contestant on "American Idol." Sadly, he will not make it past auditions held in Kalamazoo, Michigan even though Simon liked him.
Countdown clocks will start appearing on the 1 through 6 lines, but will inexplicably be in Arabic.
New, improved MTA website WILL be unveiled. It's new URL – Toughcookies.com – will not be popular.
Following Oprah Winfrey's lead, the Straphangers Campaign announces it will close shop when New Yorkers get the subways and buses THEY DESERVE. Campaign assailed for fake announcement.
The Atlantic Yards project in Brooklyn will finally die.
The MTA will find itself with a "surprising" $250 million surplus in mid-March, reviving the old criticism that it keeps two sets of books.
Mayor Bloomberg will take a trip abroad.
Next winter will be a little colder for the city's residents because of deferred maintenance on over-leveraged, or financially fragile, properties.
The Administration's efforts to "pedestrianize" and redirect car traffic on major thoroughfares like Times Square and Herald Square will be declared a great success and made permanent.
The foreclosure crisis will continue to cause physical deterioration, loss of wealth and displacement of residents in neighborhoods throughout the city, but particularly in communities of color, which have seen the highest foreclosure rates.
We will see a charter reform commission to make a better, more good-government oriented city government. The council will continue to grow as a policy-making legislature that has its own voice.
Few will realize it now, but 2010 will go down as a watershed year for entrepreneurship in the city as throngs of New Yorkers -- including many who have been out-of-work for an extended period -- start new businesses, laying the seeds for the city’s economic recovery.
Responding to the City Council’s defeat of his proposed Kingsbridge Armory development and New Yorkers' growing frustration over the proliferation of low-wage jobs, Mayor Bloomberg announces a series of efforts to support the growth of industries that have the potential to create new middle-income jobs.
Numerous artists and arts organizations struggle to survive amid declining audiences and sharp cuts in support from foundations, individual donors and government.
Andrew Cuomo runs for governor, talking about the need to "change the status quo" in Albany.
David Paterson runs for governor, talking about the need to "change the status quo" in Albany.
Tom DiNapoli quietly runs for a full-term as comptroller.
Bill Thompson gets drafted into a primary against Kirsten Gillibrand, but doesn't run, thanks to the magically persuasive Chuck Schumer.
Michael Bloomberg says he's staying out of Albany politics, but opens his wallet to a few people up there.
In City Hall, Bloomberg gets bombarded by criticism from Bill de Blasio and John Liu, who deny they're running for mayor in 2013.
Scott Stringer and Christine Quinn start traveling around the city more often, and tell reporters the 2013 race for mayor is too far in the future to speculate about.
Anthony Weiner gets his mail forwarded to his new address -- at an MSNBC satellite office.
Bradley Tusk opens Tusk Inc. and briefly struggles with managing clients who have less than $100 million to spend.
Half the Democrats who voted against same-sex marriage in the state senate are re-elected. State Sen. George Onorato retires.
Jimmy Siegel runs television ads that make us laugh, and cry.
The Independence Party fights the Working Families Party, using state legislative candidates as pawns.
Doug Muzzio ends the year as the most quoted man in New York politics, again!
Reporters wonder why the Quinnipiac, Marist and Siena polls over-predict the spread in all the races.
And readers wonder what it was like to hold a newspaper in the hands and get ink on their fingertips.
Turnout is likely to be anemic, experts say. But that is no reason to head to the polls uninformed.
In our latest Guide for the Last Minute Voter, we have an exhaustive look at the Bloomberg record, stories on the race between Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Comptroller Bill Thompson, a look at a handful of competitive City Council races, information on the city's other contests (including public advocate, comptroller and two ballot questions) and general information on voting in Tuesday's general election.
And to see whether there is a race in your district, check out Who's Running for What.
Another Term Awaits: Personalities and politics have dominated the mayoral campaign, but the two top candidates have positions on a range of issues. We look at what each man has said he would do as mayor.
Where They Stand: A brief breakdown of where Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Comptroller William Thompson stand on some of the city's most important issues.
Fact Checking the Campaign: The claims and charges are flying from Bloomberg to Thompson and back again. A look at the fact -- and the fiction -- behind the rhetoric.
Bill Thompson Hopes for an Upset: The city's affable comptroller mounts a tough challenge against a popular mayor.
EDUCATION
In Control: No one can deny the mayor has made big changes in the New York City school system but debate still swirls around how effective his policies have been.
ARTS
Patron of the Arts: Even in the face of the faltering economy Mayor Michael Bloomberg has taken steps to insure New York's cultural institutions survive and thrive.
HOUSING
An Increase in Homelessness: The mayor pledged to decrease the number of people without homes, but despite his intentions and new programs, the number of families in city shelters continues to climb.
A Calmer, Yet Still Segregated City: In eight years in office, Bloomberg has quieted the racially charged atmosphere of the Giuliani years but done little to address housing disparities and other divisions that remain.
Affordable Housing Not Included: A key part of the mayor's plan to provide moderately priced housing has collided with the collapse in real estate.
ENVIRONMENT
Steps Toward Sustainability: The announcement of PlanNYC 2030 in 2007 heralded a new emphasis by the Bloomberg administration on reducing pollution and confronting climate change.
TRANSPORTATION
The MetroCard Mayor?: Michael Bloomberg has made major steps to improve transportation in the city -- except when it comes to the subway system.
ECONOMY
Confronting the Challenges of Boom and Bust: James Parrott looks at the last eight years and finds that, despite the mayor's huge success as an innovative businessman, his management of New York City's economic fortunes has been pretty conventional.
IMMIGRANTS
Governing a City of Newcomers: Always a supporter of immigrants, Michael Bloomberg during the election season, has announced more initiatives to aid the foreign born -- and advocates will be watching to make sure these go beyond campaign promises.
SOCIAL SERVICES
Redefining Poverty -- Then What?: Michael Bloomberg won widespread praise for his push to change the way governments measure poverty. Reactions to what he has done after are less effusive.
PARKS
Bloomberg's Green Empire: Recognizing the importance of parks, the mayor has expanded and improved New York's open space -- but critics wish he had consulted more with communities along the way.
PUBLIC FINANCE
Bloomberg as Budget Master: Reflecting a changing economy, the mayor's fiscal policies have changed while the city has gone from bust to boom and back again.
VOTING
Businessman, Billionaire, Reformer?: Michael Bloomberg's handling of issues involving elections and governance raises the question: Is he above politics or a politician whose wealth lets him play the game in a different way?
HEALTH
The Health Mayor? While the administration has garnered attention for restricting smoking and trying to get New Yorkers to eat well, its actions on health policy go far beyond that.
CRIME
Bloomberg and the Police: Crime has hit new lows under Mayor Michael Bloomberg, but experts wonder if he deserves the credit and some critics charge that new police practices infringe on the rights of New Yorkers.
BLOOMBERG IN ALBANY
The 63rd Senator: The mayor won the school control battle and some funding fights too. Has he finally figured out how to get his way in the state capitol?
LAND USE
Reshaping the City: Who's Being Heard -- and Why?: To meet the post-industrial age, the Bloomberg administration has rezoned one sixth of New York's land.
Two Familiar Names Vie in District 30: A stalwart of city Republican politics hopes he can win the traditionally GOP seat back for his party.
Back to the Voters in Southeast Queens: Eric Ulrich won a surprise victory in last year's special election from District 32 and became the council's youngest member. Now he must survive a one-on-one race with a veteran area activist.
Vann Gets a New Challenger: Bed-Stuy's Staple, Al Vann, sees a challenge from activist and policy advocate, Mark Winston Griffith.
Republican Mounts a Challenge in Bay Ridge: A Republican hopes he can ride the mayor's coattails and defeat a Democratic incumbent in District 43.
Other Council Races: All but two City Council members face some kind of challenge this Election Day. For information about your representative and who else will appear on the ballot in your district, see Who's Running for What.
Elsewhere on the Ballot: Voters will choose the public advocate, comptroller, borough presidents and judges and vote on two ballot questions on Tuesday.
Where and How to Vote: A roundup of key information on poll hours, absentee ballots and more.
All results are unofficial and do not include absentee ballots. Winners appear in bold. A ~ denotes the incumbent, if any.
City and Boroughwide Races |
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Mayor |
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City Comptroller |
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City Public Advocate |
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Manhattan District Attorney |
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Queens Borough President |
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City Council Races |
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City Council for District 1 |
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City Council for District 2 |
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City Council for District 3 |
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City Council for District 4 |
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City Council for District 7 |
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City Council for District 8 |
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City Council for District 9 |
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City Council for District 12 |
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City Council for District 14 |
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City Council for District 16 |
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City Council for District 19 |
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City Council for District 20 |
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City Council for District 21 |
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City Council for District 23 |
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City Council for District 25 |
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City Council for District 26 |
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City Council for District 27 |
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City Council for District 28 |
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City Council for District 29 |
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City Council for District 31 |
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City Council for District 33 |
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City Council for District 34 |
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City Council for District 35 |
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City Council for District 36 |
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City Council for District 38 |
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City Council for District 39 (D) |
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City Council for District 39 (R) |
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City Council for District 40 |
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City Council for District 41 |
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City Council for District 42 |
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City Council for District 45 |
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City Council for District 49 |
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Only 18 months ago, Sept. 15, 2009 was shaping up to be a big day in New York City politics. Hundreds of thousands of New York City Democrats would go to the polls to choose between a slew of politicians and maybe even a rich businessperson or two to determine who would be the party's nominee for mayor. It would be a high point in a race sure to be spirited, expensive and maybe vicious.
At the same time in communities across the city, voters would choose new members of the City Council as the first class of term-limited officeholders prepared to return to private life or find something else to run for.
That, of course, will not happen. Mayor Michael Bloomberg and the City Council dashed the hopes of many city political junkies when they decided last year to give themselves an additional four-year term. Several likely mayoral candidates opted to hold on to their less-lofty posts for now. Meanwhile, a number of City Council hopefuls put their plans on hold for four years, figuring they would face better odds in going for an open seat than squaring off against an incumbent.
A number of other politicians and aspiring politicians, though, decided to stick to their plans to seek higher office or challenge an incumbent. As a result, while Sept. 15 may not offer the free-for-all some had anticipated, it does feature a number of closely fought contests and interesting candidates.
In citywide office, a scaled down field of candidates will vie for the Democratic nomination for mayor. Brushing aside the extension of term limits, Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum and City Comptroller William Thompson both are vacating their posts (he to run for mayor), spurring spirited Democratic primary contests.
Council members seeking to move up left seven vacancies in their wake, and all feature competitive Democratic primaries. In addition -- unusually for New York -- a number of incumbents seem vulnerable, some because of their vote to override two voter referenda and extend term limits. Others are facing a tough challenge since being linked to alleged improprieties and a few because of their actions as members of the City Council
Add to this party offices, a district attorney race in Manhattan and other odds and ends and many New York Democrats, and even a few Republicans, have good reason to go to the polls on Sept. 15.
To guide you through the election thicket, Gotham Gazette's Who's Running for What provides you with a list of all candidates running for office, what post they are seeking, how much money they have raised and other key information, as well as links to election coverage in other publications. Search by office, incumbent or candidate to find the campaign that interests you.
Along with this, we have updated our City Council district pages, linking them to Who's Running for What (and visa versa), which offer current contact information, demographics data and more.
To get started, go to our list of districts. The Board of Elections' poll site finder will tell you which district you live in.
Gotham Gazette reporters have produced original stories on some of this year's key contests. We will be providing additional articles up to the day of the primary. (See the list of stories at the right or go to Campaign Coverage.)
The Campaign Finance Board's Primary Election Voter Guide offers candidate lists by district, biographical information and candidates' answers to a few standard questions as well as voter information.
WNBC, the Campaign Finance Board and the Voter Assistance Commission have assembled a Video Voter Guide where candidates present brief comments on their candidacies. Boro Politics, presented by Community Newspaper Group, presents reporting from the local newspapers owned by Rupert Murdoch as well as debates from a number of council districts. The Daily News offers campaign coverage at its Brawl for the Hall blog.
For a complete list of all the contests, see the Board of Elections information on the 2009 primary.
Like all primaries in New York State, next Tuesday's election is open only to registered members of a party in which there is a primary contest. In New York City, this means mostly Democrats.
There is one district where any registered voter, regardless of party affiliation or lack thereof, can cast a ballot: the 38th Assembly District in Queens. On primary day, that part of Queens will hold a special election for all voters to fill the Assembly seat left vacant by the resignation of Anthony Seminerio. (For more on that contest, see "Filling a Vacancy" below.)
Since there are contested primaries for the three citywide offices, every registered New York City Democrat can vote.
Unusually this year, there are two Republican City Council primaries, one in Brooklyn and one in Manhattan (for more information, see "Council Candidates," below). Some Republicans in Brooklyn and Queens also can vote for people to fill party posts, such as members of the county committee and delegates to judicial elections.
Republicans in the Bronx and Staten Island along with independents and members of the Green, Working Families, Conservative, Right to Life and other smaller parties who live anywhere other than the 38th Assembly District can spend Sept. 15 at the beach without shirking their civic responsibility.
For information on registration, see How to Vote below.
Topping the ticket for the Democrats is the mayoral primary. The once crowded field has essentially come down to two contenders: City Comptroller William Thompson Jr. and Queens City Councilmember Tony Avella. As of the Sept. 4 filing deadline, Thompson had raised $5.5 million in private funds, compared to a bit over $290,000 for Avella. Neither candidate had received any public matching money.
Thompson has emerged as the candidate of the Democratic establishment with backing from a number of members of Congress, former Mayor David Dinkins, the Working Families Party, and some unions, including DC 37, which is the city's largest municipal employee union, and the Transport Workers Union. Some Democrats have stayed out of the race or signed up with Mayor Michael Bloomberg, who will run as a Republican and an Independence Party candidate this year.
Few, if any, have endorsed Avella, but that does not seem to phase the council member. A frequent critic of real estate development in the city who often bucks the leadership in the council, he is styling himself as a fierce independent who will represent average working New Yorkers. Polls show Thompson with a substantial lead in the primary.
The winner will face Bloomberg and several candidates from smaller parties in November.
Democrats also will select their nominees for public advocate and comptroller. Four candidates are vying for each post. If no one gets 40 percent on Sept. 15, a runoff between the top two vote-getters will take place two weeks later.
The city's five borough presidents are all up for re-election. Three -- Brooklyn's Marty Markowitz, Helen Marshall of Queens and James Molinaro of Staten Island -- would have been pushed out by term limits this year. Once the extension was approved, they all decided to try and stick around for the next four years. The other two -- Manhattan's Scott Stringer and Ruben Diaz Jr. of the Bronx, who was elected early this year -- are also seeking re-election.
Only Marshall, a onetime member of the City Council, who was first elected borough president in 2001, faces a primary challenge. Her opponent, Mark Leavitt, is a lawyer and civic activist who has also performed with local arts groups. His platform sets out a number of issues, including creating a more activist borough presidency, protecting and improving Queens' many "main streets," promoting more parent involvement in schools and working to give community concerns a greater role in development decisions.
As of the Sept. 4, reporting date, Marshall had raised $178,061 in private funds, compared to $140,536 for Leavitt. But Marshall had not received any public matching funds, while Leavitt had almost $285,000.
In Manhattan, three Democrats have squared off in a closely fought contest to replace long-time District Attorney Robert Morgenthau, who decided not to seek re-election this year. The winner of the primary gets the job since there are no candidates from other parties. For more, see The Race to Fill Morgenthau's Shoes.
Kings County District Attorney Charles Hynes' term expires this year as well. In contrast to 2005, when he faced a crowded field of challengers, Hynes is unopposed this year. The other three district attorneys do not have to face the voters until 2011.
After the ballot bumping and the petition challenges, Democratic primaries will take place in 32 of the city's 51 City Council districts, according to the most recent candidate list from the Board of Elections. Democrats will chose their party's candidate to replace Councilmember Eric Gioia, Melinda Katz, John Liu, David Weprin and Tony Avella in Queens and Councilmembers Bill de Blasio and David Yassky in Brooklyn, all of whom decided to seek citywide office. Another seat, this one in upper Manhattan, was left open earlier this summer when incumbent Miguel Martinez pleaded guiltyto federal felony charges.
Experts see several other incumbents as facing tough challenges this year, evidenced by endorsements, fund raising and the presence of strong opponents. A couple -- Larry Seabrook in the Bronx and Kendall Stewart in Brooklyn -- have been tarnished by the City Council slush fund scandal, though neither has been charged with any wrongdoing. Some, such as Alan Gerson in Manhattan, may be vulnerable partly because they voted to extend term limits. Others are viewed by some in their districts as ineffective or have fallen out of favor with political powers.
Many of the incumbents will almost certainly coast to an easy victory -- as incumbents tend to do in New York. Whether anger over term limits -- and a general desire for political change -- will make this a tougher year than usual for those already in office, only the election returns will tell.
Unusually this year, there are a few scattered Republican contests. In District 4 on Manhattan's East Side, Ashok Chandra, a lawyer who works on new products for Bloomberg LP, and real estate expert Neil D'Alessi are vying for the chance to face incumbent Democrat Daniel Gardonick in November.
The other Republican primary is for the seat from District 39 in Brooklyn now occupied by Bill de Blasio, who is running for public advocate. Joseph Nardiello and George Smith are competing to see who will face the winner of the Democratic primary.
In an event that has become almost commonplace, voters in Queens have to fill a seat left vacant because the incumbent is a felon. In the case of the 38th district, which includes Woodhaven, Richmond Hill, Ozone Park, Glendale, Maspeth, Ridgewood, Middle Village, State Assemblymember Anthony Seminerio pleaded guilty to bribery charges, leaving the seat wide open.
The election will come after weeks of maneuvering during which Gov. David Paterson called the election for Sept. 15, canceled that decision and then decided to go ahead with the contest after all. By calling the election for Sept. 15, instead of November, there will be no primary for the seat. Five Democrats, including Michael Miller, attorney Albert Baldeo and Afghan war veteran Farouk Samaroo, had been gearing up for the primary.
Instead three Democratic Party leaders selected their nominee, Miller. This prompted Samaroo to go to court in an unsuccessful effort to stop the election.
Barring any last minute surprises, Miller, a Glendale resident and member of Community Board 5 who will appear on the Democratic, Conservative and Independence party lines, will face Republican and civic activist Donna Marie Caltabiano.
Sept. 15 features one judicial contest -- for Civil Court judge in Manhattan's Third Municipal district. Lynn Kotler, a lawyer with a private litigation practice, and Anna R. Lewis, a former law clerk and onetime Democratic district leader, will face off in a Democratic primary for the seat.
Kotler, who has the backing of much of the party's establishment, originally got Lewis removed from the ballot for not having enough valid signatures on her petitions. The incident sparked controversy because the official at the Board of Elections in charge of supervising the counting of signatures is an open Kotler supporter.
Some 11 Civil Court seats are up for election this year, but there will not be primareis for any of the other 10. In an editorial earlier this month, the Times criticized the situation saying, "Most Civil Court seats are filled by the reigning political clubhouses in each borough, which still largely control who gets to run on the Democratic line — the key to victory in November."
The Civil Court, which has jurisdiction over civil cases involving amounts up to $25,000 and other civil matters referred to it by the state Supreme Court, includes a small claims court for matters less than $5,000 and a housing court that handles landlord-tenant matters and housing code violations.
Primaries also provide political parties with the opportunity to fill their own internal offices. On Sept. 15, Democrats in parts of Manhattan will get to choose district leaders.
District leaders are intermediaries between the major political parties and the community in which they are elected. Together they form the governing bodies of the Democratic and Republican parties within their respective counties. The position is often seen as a stepping-stone to higher office, and many times is held by members of the State Assembly or City Council. Former New York City Mayor Ed Koch started his political career as a district leader.
Each district elects a male and female representative. District leaders are elected to four-year terms, are not paid and work within the political parties.
Democrats in Manhattan, as well as some Republicans in Brooklyn and Queens will be able to vote for members of their party's county committee. Part of the political party machinery, members of a county committee act as representatives for their political party on a very low scale. Usually their territory is only a few blocks and covers approximately 1,000 registered voters. Members of a county committee help select and endorse candidates for higher office.
In New York City thousands of these positions are often left vacant, according to the Grassroots Initiative, a nonprofits that provides information to people considering a run for public office.
A number of candidates on Tuesday are seeking election to posts that some New Yorkers want to eliminate: delegates and alternatives delegates to state judicial conventions. Those elected will attend a meeting to vote on their party's candidates for state Supreme Court, New York's main trial court. Their action at these meetings tend to be "a formality because the bosses have usually picked the nominees beforehand," wrote Carol DeMare in the Albany Times Union.
Formality or not, Democrats in Manhattan, the Bronx and Brooklyn, and Republicans in Queens can chose delegates and alternate delegates.
The election will be Tuesday, Sept. 15, with polls open from 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. Only registered voters who have registered at least 25 days before the election can vote. Since this is a primary, only registered members of parties with contests can cast ballots -- except in the Queens Assembly race.
You should have received a notice in the mail telling you where to vote, but if you do not have it, you can go to the Board of Election's poll site locator or call 1 866 VOTE-NYC. This number can provide you with other information as well, including registration deadlines.
On its Web site, the Board of Elections also has instructions on how to work the voting machine.
Absentee ballot applications can be obtained by calling the Board of Elections at 1-866-VOTE-NYC or e-mailing a request to This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it..
Those who wish to vote by absentee ballot have two choices. If you choose to vote by mail, an absentee ballot must be postmarked the day before the primary and reach the Board of Elections no more than seven days after the election. Or you can drop off an absentee ballot at one of the Board of Elections borough offices by 9:00 p.m. on Election Day.
If the deadline for requesting an absentee ballot by mail has passed and you cannot appear at the polls on Election Day because of an accident or sudden illness, you may send a representative with an authorized letter to receive an Absentee Ballot Application and Absentee Ballot and return both to the Board of Elections by 9 p.m. on Election Day at your borough office.
For updates on the impasse in Albany and its effect on New York City, stay tuned to The Wonkster.
As the state enters week four of the Albany impasse, New York City is out about $6 million -- which the city projects will grow to $60 million -- and has a new governing body of sorts for its public school system.
The State Senate spent the holiday weekend trapped in the capital. No fireworks allowed.
And leaders on both the Republican and Democratic sides in Albany still have not come to an agreement over who controls the State Senate. Democrats have moved on a number of bills affecting local government across the state, including voting down the city's sales tax increase, but everyone else in Albany argues the votes don't count. Republicans have urged Democrats to meet in public, but Democrats have continually failed to appear.
All this in less than a month, and some fear we could have a whole summer full of Senate squabbling.
It has been an embarrassment to the state. But for the city and Mayor Michael Bloomberg's agenda, there are much larger consequences.
In failing to pass legislation, the Senate added a new item to its ever-growing list of casualties: the city's budget. In order to close a gaping budget hole, the City Council and the Bloomberg administration agreed to increase the city's sales tax by 0.5 percent, bringing it up to a total of 8.875 percent. The hike was expected to increase city revenues by $518 million, and was supposed to go into effect on July 1 -- the first day of the city's fiscal year 2010.
Now the measure is floundering in Albany's dysfunction, and its support in the State Senate is now questionable.
Of all the bills the Senate Democrats took up in what most consider an invalid vote Tuesday, the sales tax was the only measure that was defeated, going down 19 to 13. The opposition was led by Bronx Sen. Bronx Ruben Diaz Sr. who said by raising the sales tax the city was balancing the budget on the backs of the poor.
On Wednesday, Bloomberg said he was as "surprised as anybody" that the measure did not receive support in the Senate. Any more cuts, which the city may have to make now that its will not get the expected sales tax revenues, will be "very painful," the mayor added.
"We have a hole of at least $60 million created yesterday," the mayor said.
According to administration officials, the city will lose $2 million in revenue every day it must go without the tax increase. Because the legislation is written to take effect on the first day of the following month, the city already will lose out on revenue for all of July -- costing a total of $60 million, officials said.
That sum, according to the administration, could support 600 police officers or the Fire Department's 198 engine companies and 143 ladder companies.
The Assembly has already approved the tax measure.
The effect of the inaction on school governance is harder to predict. For the past few months, Bloomberg has sought to portray the expiration of mayoral control of the school system in its most apocalyptic terms: riots in the streets, a return to the Soviet Union and so on.
But on Thursday afternoon, seven members of the newly resurrected Board of Education, which includes three deputy mayors, met at the Tweed Courthouse to calmly approve the designation of Joel Klein as schools chancellor, giving him the same responsibilities he had a day before under mayoral control. They also passed a resolution urging the State Senate to speedily approve the extension of mayoral control. They then decided not to meet again until September 10 -- the day after school starts.
It appeared that little had changed in the city's school system.
In a press briefing yesterday, Bloomberg said: “What we’re trying to do here is to continue on as though mayoral control was approved, and it’s our assumption that it will be sometime in the very near future. If in the fall we find out that it wasn’t, we have a different set of issues." Until that happens, Bloomberg said, it will be business as usual inside city schools.
The mayor kept control over the school system because the majority of the borough presidents, who appoint five out of the seven members of the Board of Education, named mayoral allies who largely support his running of the school system.
Only Bronx Borough President Ruben Diaz Jr. selected an appointee, Dolores M. Fernández, who has questioned the mayoral control policy. But even she approved the re-appointment of Klein.
On Wednesday, Diaz said he “never had a problem telling the chancellor what’s on my mind... I am not here to rubber stamp anyone.”
The other borough presidents said they too would speak out if the chancellor adopted a policy they disagreed with. But, considering the Board of Education will not meet until September -- if it meets at all -- it is unlikely the borough president's appointees will have any influence over city schools.
“We think this is a total sham,” said Jane Hirschmann, of Time Out From Testing, who was kicked out of Wednesday's press conference for not having media credentials. “This is still the mayor."
If and when the Senate returns to business, what will happen to mayoral control? The Assembly has already passed a bill -- proposed by Speaker Sheldon Silver -- that essentially retains the current system. The mayor supports that legislation.
Sen. Frank Padavan has sponsored that bill in the Senate and has said he thinks at least 40 senators would vote for it if it came to the floor.
It does not, though, have the backing of new Democratic leader Sen. John Sampson. He has offered his own mayoral control bill, which would continue to let the mayor name most members of the Panel for Educational Policy -- the largely toothless body that replaced the board -- but would require those members have set two-year terms. They currently serve at the pleasure of the official who appoints them.
While the change might seem arcane, set terms have emerged as a kind of litmus test issue in the fight over mayoral control.
"This bill is a poison pill," a Bloomberg aide told the Daily News. "Voting yes on this bill is the same as voting yes on the expiration of the mayoral control law."
Further complicating the picture is the fact that the Assembly is no longer in session. Under normal circumstances, if the Assembly and Senate pass different bills on the same issue, the two sides hold a conference to come up with a compromise measure. But that cannot happen if the Assembly has gone home for the summer.
"If the Assembly is in town and in session we can have negotiations," Sen. Liz Krueger said last week. 'Without the Assembly in town we are obviously in a situation where if we didn't pass the one law, it sunsets. If we wanted to pass something, we only had the one bill option."
Sampson and his allies, though, have said repeatedly that the mayor cannot browbeat them into passing his version of mayoral control. Among themselves, Sampson said in a written statement, Democrats "may have different opinions on school governance, but we are firmly opposed to mayoral control of the Senate."
A number of senators may welcome the chance to discus school governance further. "You know I have relative comfort with the bill that passed the Assembly but know we could have done better," said Krueger. "I wanted to see stronger language for the role of [community] superintendents and their authority."
Some critics of the current system go further, expressing relief that the chaos could derail passage of the Silver proposal.
As mayoral control sunset, the Parents Commission on School Governance, which seeks a greater role for parents in the running of the schools, released s statement saying, "Many parents will celebrate the removal of an oppressive dictatorial system that has not served their children well. We look forward to working in the future with the Senate, the Assembly and the governor to install a new governance system, with adequate checks and balances and a real voice for parents, in which no one, no matter how wealthy and powerful, can make all the decisions when it comes to our children."
We know state senators like their weekends. Being a patriotic lot, they probably adore the time they have to barbecue with family, attend parades and do the whole bit on the Fourth of July.
Last week Gov. David Paterson called them into special session, senators put on their happy faces and told reporters a deal was at hand and asked Paterson to send them home to cool off. No such deal came together.
On Wednesday, Paterson issued proclamations for special sessions through July 6. You would think both sides would be in a hurry to get a deal done, pass important legislation and then get out of Albany. But at this point the prospects of a deal seem fairly slim. Although there is still a glimmer of hope.
Democrats don’t appear in a hurry to jump-start negotiations. Last week Democrats said they would not negotiate with Republicans unless negotiations occurred in public -- apparently in a bid to embarrass their opponents. But Republicans twice last week took up the offer, only to have the Democrats turn them down. Democrats said they would be willing to negotiate in public on Thursday, but again they were no-shows.
Meanwhile, Sampson said on Wednesday that the Senate is in “summer recess at this point in time.”
Last week Democrats were calling on Republicans to stop focusing on long-term leadership issues and instead come to an agreement on a short-term plan that would allow both sides to vote on time sensitive legislation. But now Democrats claim they have already addressed most of the non-controversial legislation during Tuesday's session, which was spurred by Sen. Frank Padavan’s jaunt through the Senate chamber on his way to get a V8.
Now the governor, the Assembly and Senate Republicans wonder whether the Democrats' action was legitimate. Paterson has refused to sign the bills supposedly approved by the Senate, and the Assembly has declined to send the bills to the governor -- a normal pro forma legislative action. If the bills do become law, Republicans are likely to go to court to try to stop them.
Republicans are already quite busy with legal cases. They have a case pending against Angelo Aponte, secretary of the Senate. The charge he prevented them from submitting new legislation or printing bill jackets, blocking them from the Senate rostrum and generally making it hard for them to function as part of the Senate. Republicans want to block Aponte from performing his duties. If they win that case, it will go a long way toward legitimizing the June 8 vote that Republicans claim made Sen. Pedro Espada president of the Senate and Sen. Dean Skelos majority leader.
Republicans are also appealing a decision by Supreme Court Justice Joseph Teresi that requires Republicans and Democrats to show up in the Senate chamber at the same time during extraordinary sessions. Republicans claim other branches of government should not meddle in legislative business. But late Wednesday Espada and Skelos asked Paterson to help broker negotiations in his office.
Most of the Democrats didn't seem to be in any hurry to join in. They still feel securely in control of the Senate majority offices, along with the payroll and the staff that makes the legislative process work. But late Thursday leaders from both sides met in Paterson's office. They presented the governor with the proposals that have yet to yield an agreement. "Both Senator Espada and our conference, we have a short-term and long-term agreement," Malcolm Smith told reporters."We are trying to get the two of them together, so we can determine how to move forward. The governor has agreed to look at both agreements and we'll try to come back tomorrow."
For updates on the impasse in Albany and its effect on New York City, stay tuned to The Wonkster.
On Tuesday, it became painfully clear that the chaos in the Senate had doomed any hopes that the legislature could perform its most basic duties. As New York City waited to see if the Senate would reauthorize mayoral control of schools and approve a measure that would help the city balance its budget, senators thrashed about in a nasty power struggle that left interested parties stunned, disgusted and angry.
At noon, Democrats said they had a quorum because Republican Sen. Frank Padavan had walked across the chamber while their session started. The Democrats began to read bills on the non-controversial calendar -- bills that pass unless someone raises an objection. There were no objections until the bill that would raise the city’s sales tax came up. Sen. Ruben Diaz Sr. animatedly asked that the bill be put aside. Instead, it came to a vote and was defeated 19 to 13.
Sens. Diaz and Hiram Monserrate said that they did not want the low-income residents of their districts to carry the burden of balancing the city budget. Diaz suggested Mayor Michael Bloomberg use his own wealth for that purpose. Some Senators said the bill was killed to use as leverage in coming negotiations with Bloomberg over mayoral control.
In the end, it turned out the vote did not really matter. Padavan said he had entered the chamber inadvertently, meaning the Senate did not have a quorum after all. Gov. David Paterson said he would not sign any of the bills passed during the so-called session.
The defeat of the revenue bill and the Senate's failure to vote on mayoral control indicates that, as long as the chaos persists in Albany, the Bloomberg administration may find things tougher than ever in the capital. Former Democratic Majority Leader Sen. Malcolm Smith had made it clear he would work with Republicans on passing a school governance bill the mayor could accept. Both mayoral control and the city sales tax increase would likely pass the Senate by a lopsided count if Republicans ran things.
Under the tenuous leadership of Sen. John Sampson, who has been described as "anti-mayor," Democrats repeatedly rejected appeals from Bloomberg to act on legislation affecting the city, telling him to pressure the Republican caucus to reach a power sharing agreement.
In failing to pass legislation yesterday, the Senate added a new item to the ever-growing list of casualties: the city's budget. In order to close a gaping budget hole, the City Council and the Bloomberg administration agreed to increase the city's sales tax by 0.5 percent, bringing it up to a total of 8.875 percent. The hike was expected to increase city revenues by $518 million, and was supposed to go into effect on July 1 -- the first day of the city's fiscal year 2010.
Now the measure is floundering in Albany's dysfunction.
Before what turned out to be an invalid vote yesterday, the administration appeared confident that the increase would pass. On Monday night, Bloomberg's press secretary Stu Loeser issued a statement arguing the measure should be brought to the floor because there was support for it.
"Sen. John Sampson stated today that passing taxes necessary to preserve essential city services and avoid layoffs and a bill that would prevent New York City schools from returning to chaos were controversial," said Loeser in an e-mailed statement. "They are not, and both enjoy the support of a bipartisan majority of state senators. Both pieces of legislation -- which already have the votes for passage -- deserve to be brought to the floor for a vote. That's democracy, and if the city's budget and public schools continue to be held hostage to the Senate's gridlock, it will cause real harm to New York families and the health of our city."
According to administration officials, the city will lose $2 million in revenue every day without the tax increase. Because the legislation is written to take effect on the first day of the following month, the city already will lose out on revenue for all of July -- costing a total of $60 million, officials said.
That sum, according to the administration, could support 600 police officers or the Fire Department's 198 engine companies and 143 ladder companies.
The Assembly has already approved the measure.
The effect of the inaction on school governance is harder to predict. For the past few months, Bloomberg has sought to portray the expiration of mayoral control of the school system in its most apocalyptic terms: riots in the streets, a return to the Soviet Union and so on. But in a press briefing yesterday, Bloomberg said his administration "will work hard to shield New York's children and their parents from the chaos." Schools, he said, "will not be padlocked" and summer school will open as scheduled today.
Instead of invoking images of angry mobs on the Grand Concourse, Bloomberg said the confusion over how to run the system would bring in lawyers -- and litigation. "Every decision -- from personnel decisions to policy decisions -- will be subject to litigation and uncertainty," Bloomberg continued.
That confusion arises partly because, as Philissa Cramer observed in Gotham Schools, the school governance law passed in 2002 calls for the law to sunset after seven years but "doesn’t include instructions for reconstituting the old school board or dismantling the current system."
The mayor foresees "a nightmare flashback to the days when politics ruled the schools." But some experts believe he may be overstating the effects of the current law's expiration. While the city would have to reconstitute a Board of Education, they say, that board could decide to continue most school policies and practices while waiting for the legislature to pass a school governance bill.
"If the mayor acts... at least changing the structure on top, then I think it's wrong to foresee any potential litigation," Udi Ofer, the policy director of the New York Civil Liberties Union, has said.
David Bloomfield, an expert on education law who teaches at Brooklyn College, has said the state education law provides for clear lines of authority. Bloomfield sees only two credible circumstances that could lead to litigation: The mayor could file suit against a Board of Education or suits could be filed against the administration if he decides to ignore the resurrected board.
When mayoral control replaced the old Board of Education, borough presidents lost one of their few legally defined responsibilities. Each borough president appointed one member of the board; the mayor named two. The current turmoil -- and possible return of the board -- has focused some attention on the presidents.
Earlier this month, Manhattan Borough President Scott Stringer proposed a plan for preserving stability if mayoral control runs out. Among other things, he called for the mayor and borough presidents to appoint a board on July 1 and have it meet immediately. The board, he said, should then vote to retain Joel Klein as schools chancellor -- under the old system, the board, not the mayor, named the chancellor -- and "form a committee to study how the board can ensure that accountability and the current successes of the system can be maintained."
So far, though, Bloomberg has given no indication he would call such a meeting. While Online Education in American reported that administration officials were conferring with the borough presidents, they say "it's not yet clear that Mayor Bloomberg will cooperate with plans to reconvene a Board of Education tomorrow." In fact, the blog indicates Bloomberg could call in lawyers -- and seek an injunction to prevent the schools from going back to the old system and to block the creation of a new Board of Education.
Yesterday, as it seemed increasingly likely that the State Senate would not vote on mayoral control, Bronx Borough President Ruben Diaz Jr. moved to name his appointee to the not-yet- resurrected Board of Education, choosing Dolores Fernandez, a former president of Hostos Community College and a professor of urban education at the City University of New York’s Graduate Center.
"Though I am a supporter of some form of mayoral control, and I am disappointed that the current law was allowed to expire, the business of our children is too important to wait for Albany to act," Diaz said in a prepared statement.
Three other presidents -- Stringer, Marty Markowitz of Brooklyn and Helen Marshall of Queens -- said they have selected their board appointees but will not announce names until the clock runs out on mayoral control. (The fifth president, James Molinaro of Staten Island is on vacation, according to his office.)
Echoing some of Stringer's recommendations, Markowitz issued a statement saying he "would advise that a reconstituted board meet tomorrow (Wednesday) morning and take immediate action to preserve continuity of all processes and make this transition as smooth as possible for the families of New York City -- as we collectively move to resolve the matter in Albany."
As to whether the board would then vote to keep Klein, it seems likely. Four of the borough presidents have said they would keep the chancellor at least for the time being. The one exception -- Diaz -- has indicated he has "mixed opinions" on Klein.
If and when the Senate returns to business, what will happen to mayoral control? The Assembly has already passed a bill -- proposed by Speaker Sheldon Silver -- that essentially retains the current system. The mayor supports that legislation.
Padavan has sponsored that bill in the Senate and has said he thinks at least 40 senators would vote for it if it came to the floor.
It does not, though, have the backing of new Democratic leader Sampson. He has offered his own mayoral control bill, which would continue to let the mayor name most members of the Panel on Educational Policy -- the largely toothless body that replaced the board -- but would require those members have set two-year terms. They currently serve at the pleasure of the official who appoints them.
While the change might seem arcane, set terms have emerged as a kind of litmus test issue in the fight over mayoral control.
"This bill is a poison pill," a Bloomberg aide told the Daily News. "Voting yes on this bill is the same as voting yes on the expiration of the mayoral control law."
Further complicating the picture is the fact that the Assembly is no longer in session. Under normal circumstances, if the Assembly and Senate pass different bills on the same issue, the two sides hold a conference to come up with a compromise measure. But that cannot happen if the Assembly has gone home for the summer.
"If the Assembly is in town and in session we can have negotiations," Sen. Liz Krueger said last week. 'Without the Assembly in town we are obviously in a situation where if we didn't pass the one law, it sunsets. If we wanted to pass something, we only had the one bill option."
Sampson and his allies, though, have said repeatedly that the mayor cannot browbeat them into passing his version of mayoral control. Among themselves, Sampson said in a written statement, Democrats "may have different opinions on school governance, but we are firmly opposed to mayoral control of the Senate."
A number of senators may welcome the chance to discus school governance further. "You know I have relative comfort with the bill that passed the Assembly but know we could have done better," said Krueger. "I wanted to see stronger language for the role of [community] superintendents and their authority."
Some critics of the current system go further, expressing relief that the chaos could derail passage of the Silver proposal.
"Mayoral control will sunset tonight at midnight," the Parents Commission on School Governance, which seeks a greater role for parents in the running of the schools, said in a statement released last night. "We predict that there will be no rioting in the streets, no chaos or confusion. Instead, many parents will celebrate the removal of an oppressive dictatorial system that has not served their children well. We look forward to working in the future with the Senate, the Assembly and the governor, to install a new governance system, with adequate checks and balances and a real voice for parents, in which no one, no matter how wealthy and powerful, can make all the decisions when it comes to our children."
No school bill or city revenue package, though, seems likely to pass until there is a power-sharing agreement between the two parties, and the prospects of that look bleaker by the minute.
Tuesday was supposed to be the deadline for a deal -- the line senators would not cross. Instead it now testifies to the difficulty of reaching any agreement. On Monday, many senators must have sensed the failure ahead as they desperately tried to place blame for the impending collapse. Senators saw the train coming and they pushed each other in front of it.
Republicans blamed Democrats for a breakdown in talks, saying that the fractured Democrats have disrupted negotiations by switching representatives at the negotiating table in midstream. For their part, Democrats faulted the Republicans, saying they would only look at long-term solutions and so were unwilling to hold a session with neutral leadership to vote on non-controversial bills.
Tuesday opened with both sides of the conflict in the chamber at 10 a.m. -- but only thanks to a judge's order. In the brief moments they were there, Sen. Dean Skelos offered to negotiate in public later in the day. Smith responded by saying Democrats would hold a "regular session" at noon. Session was then adjourned. "Bullshit!" said Monserrate. He excused himself, but he was not the only senator to utter the phrase.
As senators from both sides exited the chambers, Republican Sen. Tom Libous went to the doorway of the Democratic chamber and asked to speak to Sampson. A Senate staffer waived Sampson over, and the two men entered the Democrats' lounge, talking. Maybe the senators had realized the urgency of getting back to work after all.
About 20 minutes later, chatter was heard in the Senate hallway. Staffers instructed the sergeant at arms that something would take place at noon. A table and four chairs were arranged in the center of the hall on the dividing line between the Republic and Democratic sides of the chamber. A lighting rig was set up, along with a Senate television camera and velvet ropes. It looked as though something important was about to happen.
But it didn't. A Democratic staffer called off whatever it had been. It wasn't clear who had actually called the event, and staffers from both sides disavowed any knowledge of who might have arranged it. It seemed a fitting end to a day already colored by dysfunction and posturing -- but it was only the beginning.
As press shuffled away from the conference, Democratic staff began herding their senators into the Senate chamber, telling them, "We have a quorum!" Padavan had walked through the chamber to avoid the crowd in the hall, and Democrats decided to take his presence as a sign that he was present to begin voting on legislation. With that, Democrats began steamrolling through bills. They took sworn affidavits from those who witnessed Padavan’s stroll through the chamber as Padavan countered with his own, saying he had not intended to give Democrats a quorum.
This is the absurdity that has enveloped the state capital for the last three weeks. There will certainly be more legal action, more cases and appeals filed -- and probably more farcical moments. But for New York City and municipalities across the state, the Senate’s inaction has real consequences.
In the Senate chamber on Tuesday, staff that had yet to come to terms with the likelihood that the Senate debacle might drag on over the summer contemplated the mess. Asked what he might do on the Fourth of July, one staff member said, "I was going to be cooking and eating burgers with the wife and kids." He then asked, "Are they really going to be back here?" Paterson has promised to call the Senate to session even on the Fourth of July.
Later, as Democrats churned out legislation as if they were late for a fundraiser, another staffer said in pure astonishment, "They have smiles on their faces like it's a joke, like they are getting away with something! We're gonna be here for a while."
State Senate Representative Party: D |
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State Senate Representative Party: D, WF, I Committee Assignments: Alcoholism and Drug Abuse - Chair Person,Cultural Affairs, Tourism, Parks and Recreation,Hudson Valley Delegation - Chair Person,Local Government,Mental Health and Developmental Disabilities,Task Force on Government Efficiency - Chair Person,Temporary Committee on Rules and Administration Reform,Veterans, Homeland Security and Military Affairs |
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State Senate Representative Party: D, WF, I Committee Assignments: Codes (Chair); Children & Families; Environmental Conservation; Energy & Telecommunications; Higher Education; Judiciary; Cultural Affairs, Tourism, Parks & Recreation |
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State Senate Representative Party: D, WF Committee Assignments: Budget and Tax Reform,Civil Service and Pensions,Codes,Corporations, Authorities and Commissions,Environmental Conservation,Finance,Judiciary,Labor,New York State Conference of Black Senators,Rules,Transportation |
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Detailed Image of this District Who's Running in this District |