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Board of Elections Sows Chaos in Mayoral Race with Errors in First Unofficial Ranked-Choice Count


voting nyc ballots pandemic

Voters voting (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayor's Office)


The New York City Board of Elections began tabulating preliminary, unofficial ranked-choice votes cast in this year’s primary elections on Tuesday, offering what was thought to be a glimpse of the possible result of races across the city even though more than 120,000 absentee ballots have yet to be counted at all. But not long after the BOE published its first preliminary ranked-choice runoff in the Democratic primaries for mayor and comptroller, it became evident that errors had been made and the Board eventually took down what it had posted to its website, citing a "discrepancy" in the numbers. The Board then indicated that it would provide new unofficial ranked-choice runoff tallies of the in-person votes on Wednesday.

Sources told Gotham Gazette and other outlets, first reported by Bob Hardt of NY1, that roughly 135,000 ballots entered into the counting system for a test run had not been cleared before the Board of Elections went to execute the actual first unofficial ranked-choice runoff of in-person votes, thus inflating and skewing the numbers and giving inaccurate tallies. The Board then confirmed those reports in a statement issued around 10:30 p.m. Tuesday, roughly seven hours after it had posted the erroneous RCV tallies to its website.

"The Board apologizes for the error," it said in its statement. The snafu is the latest in a long history of problems at the New York City Board of a Elections, a creature of state law with political appointees and patronage hires known for dysfunction and ineptitude in its core mission of running processes essential to local democracy.

So on Wednesday, the BOE is expected to run an accurate ranked-choice runoff of the roughly 800,000 in-person voters who cast ballots during early voting or on primary day, providing a new but still very unofficial tally to give some indication of how the mayoral race is unfolding, with 120,000-plus absentee ballots still to be counted and factored into another ranked-choice runoff sometime next week, with more counting to follow before a final, official count sometime around July 12.

Going into the ranked-choice voting instant runoff, Eric Adams, Kathryn Garcia, and Maya Wiley all remain viable to win the Democratic primary for mayor.

Meanwhile, Brad Lander and Corey Johnson could each win the comptroller primary, for which an initial unofficial runoff was also posted then removed on Tuesday.

This month’s primary was the first ever citywide election with ranked-choice voting in place, allowing voters to rank up to five candidates in order of preference. On primary night, with only in-person first-choice votes from early voting and primary day were counted, many races remained undecided.

In the Democratic mayoral primary, Adams held the lead with 31.7% of first-choice votes on primary night. Wiley was in second place with 22.2% and Garcia was in third with 19.5%. (All other candidates appeared mathematically eliminated from contention no matter what the absentee votes, followed by the official ranked-choice running may eventually show. Under ranked-choice voting, the instant runoff is calculated if no candidate wins more than 50% of the first-rank votes.)

Along with the roughly 800,000 in-person votes in the Democratic mayoral primary, another 120,000-plus absentee ballots cast by Democrats had been received back to the Board of Elections by Monday, at least 13% of all Democratic votes, which will not be counted until next week and could significantly change the ranked-choice tabulation. That number could also grow. Any absentee ballots received by the BOE by the end of the day on Tuesday, June 29, will be considered valid if they are postmarked by or on June 22. The Board will then give absentee voters till July 9 to “cure” certain specific mistakes on their absentee ballots, before beginning the final, official count. There may be another unofficial, but very close to final, ranked-choice voting runoff performed with absentee votes included, less those pending “cures.”

Not long after the initial runoff numbers were posted, Adams issued a statement questioning the BOE for a major discrepancy in the vote totals posted on primary night and those counted in the RCV tabulation – the votes counted on Tuesday were roughly 135,000 higher.

"The vote total just released by the Board of Elections is 100,000-plus more than the total announced on election night, raising serious questions," Adams said. "We have asked the Board of Elections to explain such a massive increase and other irregularities before we comment on the Ranked Choice Voting projection. We remain confident that Eric Adams will be the next mayor of New York because he put together a historic five-borough working class coalition of New Yorkers to make our city a safer, fairer, more affordable place."

The BOE said on Twitter it was "aware" of the discrepancy and moving to resolve it. "We are working with our RCV technical staff to identify where the discrepancy occurred. We ask the public, elected officials and candidates to have patience," the Board said.

Once the Board acknowledged the problem in full and apologized, Adams issued another statement late Tuesday, saying, “Today’s mistake by the Board of Elections was unfortunate. It is critical that New Yorkers are confident in their electoral system, especially as we rank votes in a citywide election for the first time. We appreciate the Board’s transparency and acknowledgment of their error. We look forward to the release of an accurate, updated simulation, and the timely conclusion of this critical process.”

There is no evidence at this time of foul play or fraud, only of human error and incompetence.

Even before the chaos unfolded, Garcia -- who had looked in the erroneous numbers like she could defeat Adams in the RCV instant runoff once absentees are counted -- had also urged patience in counting all the votes. "Even with today’s ranked choice report we are still waiting for more than 120,000 absentee ballots to be counted and we are confident about a path to victory," she said in a statement. "Once all the votes are counted, I know everyone will support the Democratic nominee and that’s exactly what I intend to do. We look forward to the final results. Democracy is worth waiting for."

Wiley had expressed a similar sentiment, saying in a statement, "Democracy, as John Lewis said, is an act. And New York City residents engaged in one of the central acts of democracy! They voted. And they acted when they chose overwhelmingly to adopt ranked-choice voting. I said on election night, we must allow the democratic process to continue and count every vote so that New Yorkers have faith in our democracy and government. And we must all support its results."

In a statement late Tuesday evening, Wiley said, "This error by the Board of Elections is not just failure to count votes properly today, it is the result of generations of failures that have gone unaddressed. Sadly it is impossible to be surprised. Last summer BOE mishandled tens of thousands of mail in ballots during the June 2020 primary. It has also been prone to complaints of patronage. Today, we have once again seen the mismanagement that has resulted in a lack of confidence in results, not because there is a flaw in our election laws, but because those who implement it have failed too many times. The BOE must now count the remainder of the votes transparently and ensure the integrity of the process moving forward. New Yorkers deserve it.”

Garcia's statement issued late Tuesday evening said, “New Yorkers want free and fair elections, which is why we overwhelmingly voted to enact ranked choice voting. The BOE’s release of incorrect ranked choice votes is deeply troubling and requires a much more transparent and complete explanation. Every ranked choice and absentee vote must be counted accurately so that all New Yorkers have faith in our democracy and our government. I am confident that every candidate will accept the final results and support whomever the voters have elected.”

No matter what the accurate RCV runoff of in-person votes shows, the absentee ballots will be important, and must be counted before the official RCV runoff can take place. The order that candidates get eliminated is important, but it appears that ultimately the keys will be what kind of boosts Wiley, Garcia, and Adams get from each eliminated candidate, and then whether it is ultimately Wiley or Garcia who is eliminated, with the other in the final two with Adams and potentially getting pushed over the top depending on how the eliminated candidate's votes break between the remaining one of the two and Adams.

Based on an analysis of voting data by the CUNY Mapping Service, the New York Post reported Tuesday that Assembly districts where Adams was leading in first-choice votes returned 55,000 absentee ballots. Those where Garcia was leading returned 39,000, and for Wiley, the number was 17,000.

The comptroller primary will also see another RCV runoff conducted on Wednesday, and will also await absentee ballot counting and an official RCV runoff before Lander, who has a sizable lead from the in-person vote, or Johnson is victorious.

Several borough president races were also close on election night, with an initial, unofficial, preliminary ranked-choice runoff said to be expected on Tuesday, according to the Board of Elections, but which never transpired given the chaos of the mayoral and comptroller RCV runs.

In the Democratic primary for Manhattan Borough President, City Council Member Mark Levine led with 28.7% on election night, just ahead of State Senator Brad Hoylman, who received 25.7% of in-person first-choice votes.

In the Bronx, Council Member Vanessa Gibson led the Democratic borough president primary with 39.2% of in-person first-choice votes, while Council Member Fernando Cabrera trailed with 34.3%.

Council Member Antonio Reynoso was in front in the Democratic primary for Brooklyn Borough President with 28.2% of in-person first-choice votes. His closest competitor is Council Member Robert Cornegy with 19.2%.

In Queens, Borough President Donovan Richards, elected last year in a special election, had a marginal lead on election night with 41.5% of in-person first-choice votes, with former City Council Member Elizabeth Crowley just behind him with 40.2%. Council Member Jimmy Van Bramer was in third with 17.8%.

In the Republican primary for Staten Island Borough President, former Rep. Vito Fossella had 42.2% of in-person first-choice votes on election night and Council Member Steve Matteo trailed close with 41%.

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by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

Read more by this writer.

Ben Max contributed to this story.

Note - this article has been updated multiple times.

Brad Lander Leads the NYC Comptroller Primary; Here's What He's Said He'll Do If Elected


Brad Lander city council policy

Brad Lander (photo: Jeff Reed/City Council)


[Note: since the publication of this article, Lander has been declared the winner of the Democratic primary for NYC Comptroller]

“I feel really proud of the campaign our team ran. We are the overwhelming first choice of a whole lot of New Yorkers all across the city,” Brad Lander said Thursday, less than 48 hours after polls closed and he took a commanding lead in the all-important Democratic primary to become the next New York City Comptroller. “I really believe in ranked-choice voting, I want to see those tabulations, I don’t want to say anything declarative until then, but we feel in a very strong position,” Lander, a Brooklyn City Council member, told Gotham Gazette’s Ben Max on the Max Politics podcast.

With 96.62% of precincts in and 731,466 votes counted, the Board of Elections tally of in-person first-choice votes showed Lander with a lead of more than 64,000 votes over City Council Speaker Corey Johnson, who is in second as the city primaries head toward the counting of more than 115,000 Democratic absentee ballots and the first citywide use of ranked-choice voting (RCV) to determine winners.

The “instant runoff” of RCV will be used in any race where one candidate does not get a majority of first-place votes, which is all but certain to be the case in the primaries for mayor, comptroller, all five borough presidencies, and most of more than 40 City Council races.

Lander has collected 229,021 (31.31%) first-choice votes whereas Johnson has claimed 164,858 (22.54%), followed by former financial journalist Michelle Caruso-Cabrera in third with 99,216 (13.56%). State Senator Brian Benjamin has collected 56,377 votes (7.71%) and is in fourth, followed by Assemblymember David Weprin with 50,827 votes (6.95%) and State Senator Kevin Parker with 43,001 votes (5.88%).

“We tried to run a really strong, bold, progressive campaign with a vision for a just recovery that works for all our neighborhoods,” Lander said in the interview when prompted about how he built support, continuing, “and then at the same time to also have a message about making sure government can deliver, that it can work better.”

Lander attributed a lot of his success -- marked by huge concentrations of votes in much of Manhattan and wide swaths of western Brooklyn and Queens -- to a “broad progressive coalition” reflected in endorsements from many of the party’s left-wing stars like Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Jamaal Bowman, U.S. Senators Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders, Public Advocate Jumaane Williams, the Working Families Party, and many others. Lander was very clearly the candidate of “the left” in the race, different from how the more progressive candidates in the mayoral primary had split support, though there was some consolidation behind Maya Wiley in the final weeks of that race.

Though Lander said the big names on that list turned heads, upon prompting he also stressed the importance of an endorsement from the New York Times editorial board, explaining, “a lot of people didn’t spend a ton of time focusing on the comptroller's race so for many of them the Times was a really good validator of who’s going to work the hardest and be the most effective in doing the job.”

The New York City Comptroller is the city’s chief fiscal officer, charged with monitoring the city budget, approving contracts, auditing city agencies for waste and inefficiency, making recommendations to improve city government, and serving as fiduciary to the city’s five public pension funds. Though the comptroller has a great deal of oversight responsibility, the office has very limited decision-making powers -- Lander has called it the city’s “chief accountability officer.” The position comes with a large office and budget to conduct audits, issue reports, and propose policies, and a significant bully pulpit. It is also often a stepping stone to at least a run for Mayor, though success has eluded many who have sought that promotion.

Lander, who has represented the 39th City Council district in Brooklyn for over a decade, had been building for his comptroller campaign for years and launched it many months before Johnson, who had been gearing up for a run for mayor, entered the field relatively late after taking a break from politics to attend to his mental health. As the powerful Council speaker and having raised a significant sum for his mayoral campaign, Johnson came into the comptroller primary with significant advantages, and quickly racked up labor and other endorsements, and appeared to be the frontrunner based on very limited public polling. But Lander had been criss-crossing the city for years building his political brand, and continuing throughout the comptroller campaign, where he had the backing of many activist groups who he had been organizing and legislating with all along.

Lander’s campaign was marked by an emphasis on his familiarity with the city budget and city government, and using his progressive values to hold the next mayoral administration accountable, whoever may win that race. He also touted his past work on police reform, affordability, and workers’ rights.

He focused his proposals and platform on climate resiliency, a “people first” economic recovery, and investments in affordable housing, among other things. His progressive platform stands somewhat in contrast to the more moderate politics of Eric Adams and Kathryn Garcia, two of the three front-runners in the mayor’s race along with Wiley. When asked to comment on that difference, Lander responded that New Yorkers are open to ambitious government, they’re just skeptical about whether it will really deliver. “I just don’t see that much contradiction,” he said, saying later, “People are not mostly concerned about progressive or moderate, people are mostly concerned about housing and jobs and schools and coming out of the pandemic and safety.”

Lander’s geo-political dominance among in-person first-place votes looks like a combination of areas that went to Wiley and Garcia, who got the Times endorsement in the mayoral primary and garnered many votes in much of Manhattan as well as parts of brownstone Brooklyn where she and Lander both live. Wiley performed best in other parts of Brooklyn where Lander also did well and the parts of western Queens where he also dominated.

On the broader trend of heightened electorate concern over public safety and rising violent crime rates in conjunction with his stance on wanting to move more funds away from the NYPD and into community and social service programs, Lander said he had success talking to voters who were skeptical of his stance to “defund the police” by framing the conversation around concrete examples, like a homeless person on the subway. “If a cop comes and pulls that person off the train maybe they’ll be off the train car but if we don’t get them an affordable place to live and good mental health care, then they’re going to be back in the train tomorrow,” he explained, saying that the conversations that grew out of this were thoughtful and focused less on partisanship and more on how to move the city forward. 

Lander hasn’t won the race yet.

Both absentee ballots and the final tabulation of the rank-choice voting system could yield something different than the initial tally of in-person voting. When asked whether either of those were matters of concern for his campaign -- especially since he appears to hold a large share of young voters who are more likely to vote in person, and because his outspoken progressivism could make him a less likely “second choice” candidate -- Lander held steady in his optimism. “There’s no reason to believe the absentee ballots are going to have a decisively different impact,” he said, revealing that his campaign had reached out to all voters who had requested an absentee ballot.

On ranked-choice he argued that Michele Caruso-Cabrera’s spot in third place, buoyed by Latino voters, boded well for his campaign as it had overperformed with those voters and had strong endorsements from U.S. Reps. Ocasio-Cortez and Nydia Velásquez, City Council Member Antonio Reynoso, who is leading the Brooklyn Borough President primary, State Senator Gustavo Rivera, and others. He also mentioned “overlap in some geography” of their respective districts with Parker, who represents parts of Central Brooklyn and dominated in the first-rank votes in his neighborhoods.

In other words, Lander is confident he will have a strong showing as a second-ranked candidate on many ballots where voters chose Caruso-Cabrera or Parker as their first choice, and those votes would shift to him when those candidates are eliminated in the RCV runoff. In all likelihood, Lander and Johnson will be the final two candidates in the RCV tally, making the second (and in some cases third, fourth, or fifth) choices of the voters for all other candidates especially important.

Lander ran a fairly contentious campaign against Johnson. The two repeatedly sparred at debates over their records in the Council, approach to the city budget, and proposed legislation. During the post-primary Max Politics interview, Lander promised to put politics aside as they work together in the coming days to pass this year's budget, saying, “It is all of our jobs to get past our political differences and to show up for people.”

As Lander appears, based on the in-person vote, to be the heavy favorite to win the Democratic primary for comptroller and therefore win the general election and take office in the citywide post come January 1, below is a more detailed look at his campaign platform and promises, and where he has stood on key issues during the campaign.

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Lander’s progressive vision for the city as the potential next comptroller is to merge a tight focus on government accountability and effectiveness with a push for more investment in under-served communities and the city’s future. He’s focused for years on improving the city’s capital budget process and productivity, and would continue making that a priority if comptroller, he has said. The city’s construction projects, from small to large, are notoriously over budget and late, while lacking in transparency. Ditto for the city’s problematic human services contracting, whereby the city spends billions of dollars a year paying nonprofits to provide essential social services and Lander has said he would work to make improvements.

“New Yorkers know that bold government action will be needed in the daunting years ahead, to end the Covid crisis, restore our economy, save mass transit, fix NYCHA, address the housing crisis, transform how we achieve public safety, and confront rising seas and temperatures,” Lander’s campaign website says. “But city government can’t meet any of those obligations when city agencies are run poorly, when money is wasted, when the results aren’t clear, when projects aren’t completed on time, when there’s no accountability for mismanagement, when corruption goes unchecked.

Citing New Yorkers’ frustration with and distrust in government, Lander says that “progressive politicians too often promise the moon, but fail to deliver the goods. They aren’t focused enough on what’s necessary to make government work or telling the truth when it doesn’t.”

He “is committed to bold, ambitious, progressive city government,” his site says, “But he knows that must come along with doing the hard work to make sure it delivers, and to telling the truth when it doesn’t.”

Lander’s website, which he used to roll out an extensive policy platform prior to the election, covers 22 topics, outlining an approach to the office that divides priorities into three categories: “build a just and durable recovery,” “hold city government accountable,” and “secure NYC’s future.” The proposals classified under each category address not only the core functions of the job and how Lander’s agenda would be enacted through them, but also the broader ideological and policy framework that he plans to bring to some of the more flexible areas of the office.

The ‘just and durable recovery’ section is centered around workplace protections, reviving small businesses, arts, and culture, as well as securing public housing and investing in public infrastructure.

On ‘holding government accountable,’ Lander has promised to make city agencies work better, and ensure they are functioning “more in sync with our shared values.” Principal among those values is heightened public safety. His plans to dig into NYPD settlements and look for repeat offenders as well as shift social service functions away from the force help construct the backbone for a larger narrative about more humane policing that has driven his campaign.

Under ‘securing the city’s future,’ Lander outlines a set of ideas for investment planning that take a “broad view.” His website indicates he is a proponent of comprehensive planning, long-term risk analysis, and responsible investing -- all of which focus on bolstering public infrastructure, building climate resilience, and equitably redistributing resources throughout the city.

Budgeting & Investments
In the last of three TV or radio debates held among the candidates for comptroller during the final weeks of the campaign, Lander responded to a question about the most important responsibility of the office by saying it was to “ensure an economic recovery that works for all our neighborhoods, make sure agencies work better, and take the long-term view on our recovery — there’s so much short-termism in our politics, the comptroller can take the long-term view to secure a better future.”

Lander platform calls for increased government investment into public infrastructure, specifically green infrastructure. His plans for climate resiliency involve lending support to programs that buoy ‘sustainable innovation’ and create opportunity in the sectors of technology, green manufacturing, clean energy, the care economy, and arts and culture. His website includes a proposal to research and develop new climate loans making it “attractive for landlords and small businesses to invest in rooftop and community solar, new electric heating units and electric delivery vehicles.” This is in line with Lander’s promise to expand support for energy efficiency and sustainable development in the affordable housing sector.

During the final debate, which aired on the last day of early voting and just two days before primary day, Lander was pressed on how, since he served in a Council that oversaw a large increase in spending, voters could trust him to be a faithful budget watchdog. He outlined a plan to find spending efficiencies, for example, by fighting to end the 421a tax break given to real estate developers and for the continuation of the city’s attrition program recently put in place by the de Blasio administration that has been lowering headcount by not replacing every city worker that retires or otherwise leaves the government workforce. Lander said he has opposed certain budget cuts in the recent past because they were focused on summer youth programs or public parks and that the NYPD was not facing similar cuts. Last year, he voted against the budget for the current fiscal year for those reasons, arguing that more should be removed from the police department as the city faced a dire, pandemic-induced crunch that has since been at least temporarily ameliorated.

Lander has said every city commissioner and agency should be finding savings in order to “focus on what truly matters.” In his “Decision NYC” interview with Gotham Gazette earlier in the campaign, Lander expressed support for “programs to eliminate the gap,” or PEGs, by which the mayor instructs city agencies to identify certain levels of savings so that the mayor and other top officials can make decisions on cuts and efficiencies. He stressed, though, the importance of looking at results versus money spent and argued against “belt-tightening for the sake of belt-tightening” since programs like universal 3-K and pre-K, as implemented by de Blasio, increased city personnel headcount but were clearly positive additions to city services, New Yorkers’ lives, and the social safety net.

When asked in the final debate if he would consider going to Albany to advocate for additional tax increases on high earners, Lander and Johnson were the only two of the eight candidates on stage to answer in the affirmative.

Lander also signaled support for putting money into the newly-authorized rainy day fund reserve. “We need to commit every year that the budget starts to get better that we target and put money in that account,” he said, arguing that the city should be more prepared for future crises than it was for the one brought on by covid.

On the many billions of dollars of federal aid coming to the city, Lander has outlined an American Rescue Plan Spending Tracker that would follow the money and ensure transparency.

Central to Lander's policy platform is also an argument for putting more resources toward affordable housing. He has called for creating upwards of 150,000 social housing units throughout the city and said in his Decision NYC interview that if elected he’d push for a shift from for-profit developers towards more Mitchell-Lama cooperatives, non-profit affordable and supportive housing developers, and community land trusts to “build permanently affordable housing that enable New Yorkers who really need it to get affordable housing and to build wealth for the future.”

Lander’s housing platform, which he would mostly have to push through investigations, reports, and advocacy if elected comptroller, also involves rent relief for tenants and small landlords, good cause eviction protections, investment in NYCHA, and interrogation of decades of racist housing policies. When asked in the final debate where he would focus the office’s audit function, he included again the state-approved 421a program, which is supposed to help subsidize affordable housing development in wealthier areas, calling it a “boondoggle” and referencing data from the Housing Rights Initiative that showed many developers who get the tax break don’t meet their rent stabilization requirements.

Lander has said he plans to fight for a New Deal-style program that would pay artists for work on public infrastructure projects, establish a minimum wage for freelancers, and provide ongoing relief for Broadway and arts organizations getting back on their feet post-pandemic. Tying job creation with climate action, he has also expressed interest in investing in workforce development programs that focus on green jobs and retrain those currently employed by the fossil fuel industry to participate in the green economy. 

In the small business sector, Lander’s website lists a proposal for the creation of a Small Business Recovery Lease Program that would look retroactively at outstanding money owed to small businesses as well as enact a vacancy tax, create commercial rent-control and provide access to capital for more M/WBEs. He also wants to expand that access to capital for struggling families, listing another proposal that would expand city investment into “baby bonds” as an effort to promote resource-sharing across communities and eat away at racial and economic inequity.

Lander’s campaign has also stressed a desire to dig into the city’s problematic process for human services contracting. Lander has done some work in the Council on pushing to get the many non-profits the city relies on for social services to be paid better and on time. His website promises to “focus aggressively on improving the human service contracting process and fairly valuing and increasing the indirect cost rate, so nonprofit human service providers can achieve organizational stability, pay their workers fairly, and support our communities.”

Auditing
In multiple debates, Lander cited the Department of Correction as number one on his list of city agencies with a “bloated budget” and in need of detailed auditing. He’s raised questions about how with a plummeting jail population the city has been significantly increasing its correction expenses, all while violence in the jails increases.

In the final debate, Lander asked why DOC “has grown its budget to over a billion dollars, 20%, even though we’re only incarcerating half as many people as we were a decade ago.” 

Lander has also named the NYPD, Department of Homeless Services, and NYCHA as on his “watch list” for special focus, as well as the many billions in spending on capital projects, the city budget for which does not currently have a dedicated audit team in the comptroller’s office, he said. “We can build a capital projects and infrastructure investment program that more efficiently creates good jobs, mitigates climate change, and gets us ready for the future,” Lander said.

In the final debate Lander was one of four candidates who raised a hand to signal support for additional cuts to the NYPD, unsurprising given he has been part of the movement to “defund the police,” advocating for the reinvestment of billions of dollars from policing into social services. “$11 billion we’re spending on policing,” Lander said on Decision NYC, “we’re not getting our money’s worth.”

As comptroller, Lander says he would audit the NYPD budget and push for many of the social service functions of the department to be transferred to non-police alternatives. His website also indicates a plan to use auditing to identify habitual offenders in police brutality settlements, which the comptroller has to sign off on, and “intervene proactively.”

In a more broad sense, Lander has said he wants to make audits “more strategic” and theme-based, focusing on waste, fraud, and abuse but also performance and equity, the latter meaning how well a city agency is abiding by non-discriminatory practices and how equitable its delivery of services has been. His website also outlines plans to conduct accessibility audits in order to ensure that people with disabilities and those who speak different languages are being equally served by their government.

The site promises to establish a new audit team focused solely on agency sustainability and environmental justice as well. In his closing statement at the final debate he extended that scope to include companies the city does business with, vowing to hold them accountable for climate action as well as equal hiring practices for women and people of color.

Other Priorities
Lander has repeatedly indicated he would strengthen the comptroller office’s Bureau of Labor Law to do more to help New Yorkers have good working conditions, a general theme he has worked on throughout his Council tenure, including the pushes to institute paid sick days, raise the minimum wage, and implement paid family leave mandates, as well as a variety of measures to regulate how gig and fast food workers are treated.

As comptroller he promised to author an “exploitative employers wall of shame” to shine a light on the city’s worst bosses and force them into changed practices, an effort modeled off the Public Advocate’s annual “worst landlord’s list.” He has also vowed to protect private sector workers by assigning the Comptroller’s Bureau of Asset Management to aid in the implementation of former Comptroller Scott Stringer’s ‘New York City Nest Egg Plan’ which provides those workers with the opportunity to participate in a retirement savings plan.

Lander’s plan for the economy lists proposals for restoring the public health sector by increasing public investment into the life sciences, as well as fighting for good jobs by establishing protections for essential workers and creating apprenticeship programs, especially supportive for young people of color who became unemployed at the high rates during the pandemic. He has also spoken a great deal on reopening schools safely and supportively, indicating on his site a plan to do this by tracking the incoming federal aid and ensuring those funds are spent on social and emotional support systems for the students as well as equitable access to technology. 

Outside the specific purview of the office, Lander has also shared plans to use the legislative sway of the position to advocate for a public bank in NYC as well as a stronger, more sustainable, and more accessible public transportation system. He has vowed to be independent from the mayor, choosing not to make an endorsement in the race, and aims, if elected, to use the platform to advocate for a broad range of progressive values including support for immigrant rights, decriminilization of sex work, and establishment of a “Shared Equity Home Ownership Program” aimed at helping low-income and working class households.

Pension Funds
Lander has made the city’s $240 billion public pension funds -- relied on by hundreds of thousands of past and current city employees -- less of a focal point in his campaign, though he has said he put out the most detailed plan for how to serve as a responsible fiduciary, citing bank CEOs and former deputy comptrollers who had served on his investment advisory committee.

Lander’s policy as outlined in campaign literature promises to “fuse maximizing risk-adjusted market returns with investing in our communities, bringing an equity and sustainability lens to the portfolio, and securing long-term sustainable growth.” He would make sure to focus on outside market “systemic risks” like the climate crisis and racial and economic inequality, and argues that only a portfolio actively working to minimize those risks is truly set for long-term success.

That “equity and sustainability lens” involves continued divestment from the fossil fuel industry, which started under current Comptroller Scott Stringer, as well as an effort to join strategic alliances with other shareholders to force climate action. Lander’s plan also includes divestment from the gun manufacturing and private prison industries and an increased focus on Economically Targeted Investments (ETIs), a relatively small but important portion of the pension fund holdings that the comptroller can direct, that work to preserve affordable housing, finance a green economy, and help MWBEs grow. These investments, combined with a more diverse set of fund asset managers and advisers, are part of a strategy Lander argues will help to break the cycle of racial wealth gaps and income inequality as well as support wealth-building for historically marginalized groups.

Lander has said he wants to save money by minimizing the outside fees being paid to Wall Street. In the first televised debate, when prompted if he would offer a competitive salary to the chief investment officer for the pension funds in order to attract the best talent, Lander responded, “We would save money by bringing more talented people in house, because right now when we don't have it we wind up paying for expensive consultants.”

Ben Max contributed to this story.

‘All Kathryn Number Twos’: Garcia Looks to Absentee Ballots and Ranked Choices for Path to Victory


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Kathryn Garca with Andrew Yang and supporters (photo: @KGforNYC)


Kathryn Garcia still sees a path to becoming New York City’s next mayor, despite the fact that the initial tally of in-person Democratic primary votes puts her in third place behind Eric Adams and Maya Wiley. Garcia, like Wiley, is confident that her campaign is “on the pathway to victory” with 120,000-plus absentee votes still to be counted and the ranked-choice runoff to come, she told Gotham Gazette’s Ben Max as she reflected on her candidacy and the uncertain state of the race in a recent episode of the Max Politics podcast.

With about 800,000 in-person votes tallied, Adams had 31.66% of the vote, followed by Wiley with 22.22%, and Garcia with 19.48%, according to unofficial initial results that will slowly move toward official over the next few weeks.

Adams’ quasi-victorious rhetoric doesn’t faze Garcia, who said “he can try to count the chickens before they hatch, but I’m certainly not going to,” and noted Adams still needs 20% more of the vote before he can truly claim a win.

But Garcia doesn’t think he will get there, citing absentee ballot data her campaign has analyzed and her optimism that she was ranked number two on the ballots of many voters whose first ranks went to Adams, Wiley, Andrew Yang (currently in fourth place), Scott Stringer (fifth), and other Democratic mayoral contenders.

Garcia, former sanitation commissioner, among several other city government roles, ran as a crisis manager with a track record of problem solving that she says prepares her to effectively bring the city back from the pandemic’s multifaceted devastation. Her pitch hit home with the New York Times and Daily News editorial boards, among other high-profile endorsers, and ultimately led to her strong performance in in-person, first-choice voting in most of Manhattan, large swaths of Staten Island, Brooklyn’s western edge, including parts of brownstone Brooklyn where she lives, Riverdale in the Bronx, and a few other areas.

Asked to reflect on her success in these neighborhoods, Garcia said her messaging “about understanding peoples’ everyday lives,” from getting kids to school to maintaining clean and safe streets, convinced people that she would do what needs to be done to create a more liveable city. People “know me, know what I can do, and trust that I can run the government,” she said.

Garcia was unable to eclipse Adams or Wiley in the initial tally given her poorer performances in southeast Brooklyn, southeast Queens and the Bronx, which went to Adams, and north Brooklyn and western Queens, which went to Wiley. Yang, who endorsed Garcia for second choice, conceded on primary night with 11.66% of the initial vote. Yang’s successes in areas such as Manhattan’s Financial District, southwest Brooklyn, central Queens, and Brooklyn’s Williamsburg could bode well for Garcia when the runoff happens, though Yang’s support from Orthodox Jewish communities may transfer to Adams, who has also had strong relationships in those areas. Yang and Garcia campaigned together in Asian communities of Queens and Manhattan, where Garcia may wind up showing strength in second rankings that can bump her total up when Yang is eliminated in the runoff. In-house pollsters say the campaign also has “strong reason to believe” that Garcia will win a plurality of Yang votes.

Garcia is also counting on Stringer, Ray McGuire, and Shaun Donovan first-choice ballots, which “are all Kathryn number twos,” she added.

Garcia offers two reasons why she “[feels] incredibly positive” about her situation: “a tremendous number of absentee votes out there” requested in larger numbers from districts she did well in and that her “favorables were higher than anyone else's. And favorables in a ranked-choice situation are incredibly helpful,” she told Max.

She hopes that these forces combined will help her leapfrog over Wiley to take on Adams in the final round of the ranked-choice runoff, which could then come down to whether Wiley’s voters liked Garcia enough to rank her over Adams by a wide enough margin. Although she did best in whiter neighborhoods, and underperformed in communities of color compared to other candidates, Garcia predicts that this pattern will become null “when we look at the twos and threes,” and that ultimately, “we are going to see that we were strong across the board.”

A variety of factors drove Garcia’s almost exclusively positive campaign and meant that she was “very open to working with whoever wanted to work with [her],” such as Yang, even though the two “don’t get along on most topics,” she said, referring to their different perspectives. Not only does ranked-choice voting encourage and reward positive campaigning, in sum at least, but Garcia, a first-time candidate for any office, pointed to her lack of experience in the political muck and belief that voters don’t want to hear the negativity.

Ranked-choice voting also means that Garcia’s path to victory somewhat relies on securing Wiley supporters’ second and third choices. Although a Garcia-Wiley alliance “just didn’t happen,” Garcia said, she isn’t worried that she missed the opportunity to sway Wiley voters, and assured Max that “her twos are my twos, my twos are her twos.”

While Garcia’s campaign seldom went negative because political “hit jobs” don’t “[help] the voters understand the differences between the candidates,” she told Max, opponents Yang and Adams still fired many shots at each other while Wiley also got into the fray on many occasions to go after Adams or Yang. Here and there Adams or Yang had a few harsh words for her, but she didn’t respond. “Try doing a snow day,” Garcia said when asked about staying above the fray. “I’m getting elbows from everybody. I’ve got 8.4 million elbows coming at me.”

Even if absentee ballots and ranked-choice runoffs don’t go her way, Garcia’s campaign still outperformed expectations and managed to overcome early questions of viability as she climbed a very steep hill in short time. Garcia attributes her success to “an incredible discipline on the message of the campaign, being willing to put the time in to do the hard work of getting that message out, [and] doing the fundraising that was required,” she said on Max Politics. Endorsements from the Times, the Daily News, State Senator Liz Krueger, Assembly Member Danny O'Donnell, Congressional Rep. Nydia Velazquez, the League of Conservation Voters, StreetsPac, and Planned Parenthood were also “incredibly helpful,” Garcia said.

Frequently criticized from the left for not being progressive enough in her policies -- something noted by Times editorial board member Mara Gay in the preceding Max Politics podcast, even as Gay expressed pride in the Garcia endorsement and what the Times’ stamp of approval meant for Garcia’s campaign -- Garcia rebutted: “some of the most progressive policies that passed in the last administration were ones that I did.” She pointed to the new “commercial waste zones” law that is projected to take “18 million truck miles...off the street,” and other environmental justice and waste equity efforts.

“I’m actually doing the work, I’m not hashtagging the work,” Garcia said. Her campaign has focused not only on running government well but a vision around climate resiliency, housing, and transit improvements for a modern, more liveable city. She has also stressed public safety and the need to combat gun violence, often taking some of the more hard-line stances along with Adams and Yang.

When Garcia came out in support of raising the charter school cap, some were skeptical of the stance, which seemed to confirm her depiction as a moderate. Although several other top tier candidates in the race are supportive of charter schools (or are at least less critical of them than de Blasio), Garcia took the strongest position of support.

“Charter schools give kids an option. I care about that first grader who is starting school who does not have time for me to fix it,” Garcia told Max, defending her position. As a New York public school graduate who sent her kids to the “decent elementary school up the block” in Brooklyn, Garcia explained that she “[wants] to make New York City public schools the crown jewels that they should be,” but “they’re not all great right now.” Her priority is to “do what the kids need right now,” and for her, the publicly-funded, privately-run charter schools are part of that immediate answer.

Garcia further contests the characterization of her policies as moderate, explaining on the podcast, “I really focus on families and kids and what makes it so they can do better here. How do they economically thrive? How do they get the best education? I don’t actually find that moderate, I find that pretty progressive.” Attacks on her alleged centrism won’t hurt her, Garcia asserted, saying, “I don’t think I left any votes on the table. I think that they are all going to come through.”

And while many labor unions went with other candidates, Garcia also thinks her campaign was successful among individual union members, on top of the Teamsters, who endorsed her. “I think I was pulling through the teacher’s union, I mean my sister is a teacher,” she said on the podcast, adding that she also thought she was “pulling from people from DC37 who know me through the food program.”

Thinking back on her campaign, Garcia expressed satisfaction with her performance, saying, “the only thing I really wish is that we had been able to push faster out of the Zoom world because I felt much more comfortable once I could be talking to voters. Zoom ended up being a real barrier to having a lot of those conversations.” But, she “didn’t want to risk the health of [her] staff,” acknowledging the practical health limitations her team was dealt.

As a political newbie, Garcia said she was surprised by “the amount of political favors that were...at play because [she] didn’t have any.” Courting single-issue groups and fundraising were also new for Garcia, who was drastically outspent by Adams, among others, which she said “gave him some extra running room that I just didn’t have.”

Although she wishes money didn’t matter in politics, she said, “I am thankful for the campaign finance board and the matching funds that made this campaign possible, but we ran very tight through most of this because I’m not rich.”

Despite her pitch to voters as the best candidate to be able to manage city government as the next mayor, given the demanding nature of a candidacy for the office in New York, Garcia said she couldn’t be really help manage the campaign, but that her “job was very specific as a candidate and [she] was responsible for getting the message out there, being in touch with the strategy and doing the fundraising.” By delegating responsibility and “empowering” her campaign manager and team, Garcia was able to run a campaign she was satisfied with, although she made it clear that she “was a little bit in front” of the team at times, and “kept my communications team hopping.”

Garcia wouldn’t say if it isn’t going to be her as the winner whether she prefers Wiley or Adams, keeping up her tact that she is keeping all of her rankings and preferences to herself. “I’m going to try to be in this to win it until the final day and then we will figure out what I’m going to do next,” she said in parting.

[LISTEN: Max Politics Podcast: Kathryn Garcia Sees a Path to Victory]



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