City Council Member Sandy Nurse (photo: @SandyforCouncil)
February 4, 2022 - Max Politics Podcast: The Future of Garbage and Trash, with City Council Member Sandy Nurse
City Council Member Sandy Nurse, the new chair of the Council's Sanitation Committee, joined the show to discuss her background in recycling and green jobs, her approach to chairing the committee, the future of organics recycling, commercial waste zones, curbside trash containerization, and more.
Listen to the conversation and let us know what you think, on Twitter @TweetBenMax. You can listen to the show through the embedded audio below or download the episode wherever you get your podcasts at Max Politics.
City Council chambers (photo: William Alatriste/City Council)
The New York City Council is set to kick off the process of redrawing the boundaries of the city’s 51 Council districts on Monday with Council members appointing eight members to an redistricting commission. The new districts, reflective of data from the 2020 Census and other factors, will be at play for the 2023 elections when all 51 seats of the City Council will again be on the ballot, as well as the subsequent 2025 and 2029 elections.
Under the city Charter, the new Council districts will be drawn by a commission of 15 members, who are unpaid appointees. The political party with the most Council members – Democrats hold 46 of 51 seats – appoints five members of the commission and the party delegation with the second-most representatives appoints three, in this case Republicans, who hold five Council seats. The other seven members are appointed by the Mayor.
On Monday, the Democratic majority, led by Speaker Adrienne Adams, and the Republican minority, led by Council Member Joe Borelli, are set to make their appointments.
The Republicans’ three appointees are Marc Wurzel, who is general counsel and assistant secretary at Grand Central Partnership, Inc. and who has served on a previous redistricting commission; Kevin Hanratty, a Queens attorney associated with the Republican National Lawyers Association; and Darrin Porcher, a retired NYPD Lieutenant and professor of criminal justice at Pace University.
The Democratic conference's nominees include Yovan Samuel Collado, director of community relations at the Carpenter Contractor Alliance of Metropolitan New York, from the Bronx; Kristen Johnson, assistant counsel for NAACP Legal Defense & Educational Fund, from Brooklyn; Gregory Kirschenbaum, an employment attorney from Manhattan; Maf Misbah Uddin, treasurer of DC 37, from Queens; and Michael Schnall, a nonprofit executive, from Staten Island. The conference's meeting to approve its nominees is also on the Council calendar for Monday.
A spokesperson for Mayor Eric Adams noted that the mayor has until March 7 to make his appointments, which he can only do once the Council has chosen its members. The spokesperson also said that the question of funding for the commission will be addressed this coming week (Adams’ preliminary budget for next fiscal year is due soon).
Once Adams has made his appointments and the commission convenes, it will hold a series of public hearings before creating a proposed map of districts. The map will then have to be released for public scrutiny for at least a month before it is submitted to the City Council. The Council can then make recommendations to the commission for any proposed changes before the commission adopts the final map and presents it to the City Clerk.
Unlike previous redistricting processes which had a longer timeline, this year’s commission will have to conclude its work by the end of 2022 because of the change in the state’s political calendar two years ago, which shifted party primary elections to June and because of a charter amendment that changed the redistricting procedure, according to Jeffrey Wice, professor at New York Law School’s Census and Redistricting Institute.
The commission has a challenging job ahead. In the ten years since the last Census, New York City added 629,000 residents, a roughly 7.7% increase in population to 8.8 million. That will mean an average increase of about 12,333 residents for each Council district.
But Council districts aren't all built the same and population growth in the city has not been evenly distributed. So-called communities of interest, bound together by various factors including religion or ancestry, and racial and ethnic demographics have shifted significantly.
Census data showed that Brooklyn’s population grew at the highest rate, about 9.2% from 2010 to 2020, to just over 2.7 million residents; the population of Queens increased 7.8% to 2.4 million; in Manhattan, the increase was 6.8% to 1.7 million people; in the Bronx, it was 6.3% to 1.4 million; and Staten Island grew 5.8% to about 496,000 people.
There were also significant differences in population growth or loss for racial groups and neighborhoods. So, as the Council districts currently stand, some may be underpopulated while others are overpopulated.
"Many districts will have to change because of demographic shifts and new limits on the size of districts,” said Ben Weinberg, director of public policy for Citizens Union, a government reform group that analyzes redistricting. “Some areas are now ‘overpopulated’ beyond what's legally allowed, like the Brooklyn East River waterfront, which saw an influx of new housing units and residents in the last decade.”
New York City’s process is likely to be more balanced than New York’s redistricting of state legislative and congressional seats, new maps that were just passed by the Democratic-controlled Legislature and approved by Governor Kathy Hochul, a Democrat, this week. The final maps, criticized for partisan gerrymandering and at play in this year’s elections (pending a court challenge), were created by the Legislature after an independent bipartisan commission failed to come to agreement on a set of maps (which Democrats in the Legislature may have rejected anyway to draw their own).
“Unlike New York State’s redistricting process, the New York City Council process based on the city Charter has tighter, more efficient criteria, because they're ranked in priority order,” said Wice.
As he noted, the commission must adhere to a series of ranked criteria listed in the Charter, including, in order: population equity; fair representation of racial and language minority groups; ensuring neighborhoods and communities are kept intact; ensuring that each district is “compact and shall be no more than twice as long as it is wide”; districts cannot cross borough or county boundaries; districts cannot be drawn to separate concentrations of voters enrolled in the same party; and ensuring the districting plan “minimizes the sum of the length of the boundaries of all of the districts included in the plan.”
“The criteria are important there because as long as you achieve the top-rank criteria, it becomes harder to achieve some of the lower-rank criteria,” Wice added.
The Charter also states that districts have to be contiguous and if they are separated by a body of water, that they should be connected by a bridge, tunnel, tramway, or ferry service. If a district does include parts of two boroughs, then no other district can include territory from the same two boroughs. There are currently two City Council districts that cross borough lines: Council District 8, which includes parts of Manhattan and the Bronx, and District 34, which has parts of Brooklyn and Queens.
Wice also noted that the composition of the Council has changed dramatically since the last redistricting. The Council has 35 new members and is one of the most diverse classes ever seated, with its first female majority, and many other ‘firsts’ among its new class.
“We have to look to see who's representing those districts now. Does that reflect on where the district's lines should be redrawn? There’s a whole series of questions that have to be asked and evaluated,” Wice said.
Council Member Borelli, a Staten Island Republican, also believes the city’s redistricting will be fair. “Our process is more fair in that, at least, the minority party gets a guaranteed seat at the table, as opposed to the state plan where it was done in a smoke-filled room without anyone but majority Democrats making decisions,” he said in a phone interview. “In some ways, it seems to be a better system where we almost acknowledge partisanship and include it in the process.”
Borelli said he has been in contact with the mayor about his appointees as well, though no names have been advanced. “It seems to be at this stage going much more smooth than the state process,” he said. “If it ends up where a bunch of people are happy and a bunch of people are unhappy but that includes Republicans, Democrats, progressives, moderates in the mix, then I guess it works. When everybody who's unhappy is a Republican, that should be a sign the state process is flawed.”
Democrats at the state level have argued in the face of that type of criticism that they created new lines to reflect the reality of New York’s changed demographics and downstate population dominance, and that favor Democrats because the state is so heavily Democrats and maps in the past had been gerrymandered in some cases to favor Republicans, particularly in the State Senate.
Though the city commission will be independent, that doesn’t necessarily guarantee it will be entirely free from interference. The Charter only prohibits current city employees, lobbyists, and political party officials from being named to the commission.
“Although the city's redistricting process is slightly more independent than the one used by the state, it is still vulnerable for politicization because elected officials directly choose all commission members,” said Weinberg of Citizens Union. “To distance themselves from map-drawing, the mayor and the City Council should refrain from appointing former elected officials who served in office in the past five years.”
Citizens Union is preparing to issue a report on the redistricting process and has sent letters to the Council speaker, minority leader, and rank-and-file members with its recommendations. The group is also planning to provide resources and training for communities across the city to assist the public in participating in the process.
Weinberg recommended that the Council and mayor appoint a diverse commission. He pointed out that the charter requires the commission to include representatives of minority groups protected by the 1965 Voting Rights Act, but it does not consider factors like gender, age, and geographical representation. For instance, the last commission in 2012 had only two members from Brooklyn, out of 15 commissioners, despite it being the most populous borough.
He also urged Mayor Adams to quickly fund the commission to avoid any delays. The de Blasio administration did not set aside any funding for it in the current budget. “The commission will have to start working very soon, before the next budget is approved, and we can't afford to see the process stalled again,” Weinberg said.
John Mollenkopf, director of CUNY’s Center for Urban Research, worked on the city’s first redistricting commission and said in a zoom interview that the mayor could dominate the process if his appointees choose to collaborate with the Republican appointees. “In the past, there's always been a little bit of a tension between the mayor and the council,” he said.
Mollenkopf said the commission will face the challenge of creating new district lines where different communities have grown, which could rankle incumbent Council members who are resistant to changing constituencies. “There are some communities that are more or less encapsulated within districts, but there are other communities that are diced up and they're going to want to be included as much as possible in one district in order to have more influence on it,” he said.
One hurdle the commission will not face this time around is the requirement that it seek pre-clearance from the Department of Justice for its redistricting map, which was previously required by the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Under the Act, New York was one of several states that had to submit any plans for changes to electoral laws or districts for federal approval, in order to prevent racial discrimination in voting. But in 2013, the U.S. Supreme Court struck down those key provisions of the VRA, raising concerns among voting rights activists that it opened the door to restrictive and discriminatory voting policies. Though such policies haven’t been enacted in New York, which has in fact expanded voting in recent years, state legislators are nonetheless looking to pass legislation to reinstate those provisions.
“New York City is a lot less polarized in its voting than it was in the late 20th century,” Wice said. “And we have to undertake extensive analysis to determine which parts of New York City may still exhibit racially polarized voting.”
[Read: Amid Federal Inaction, New York Democrats Look to Advance State Voting Rights Act]
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by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
@samarkhurshid @GothamGazette
Note - this article has been updated with the names of the Democratic nominees to the redistricting commission.
Mayor Adams at the scene of a deadly Bronx fire (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayor's Office)
Mayor Eric Adams had a hectic and tragic first month in office, responding to several devastating deadly incidents, establishing a new tone out of City Hall, and overseeing a shaky transition beset by questions about several appointments and punctuated by praise for others.
In the wake of a Bronx fire that killed at least 17 New Yorkers, the murder of a teenage cashier during a robbery in Harlem, a deadly subway pushing in Times Square, an 11-month-old baby shot in the Bronx, and the fatal Harlem shooting of two police officers, the mayor finds his young administration tested, particularly on the promise he made on the campaign trail of ensuring public safety. The tragedies dominated his first month, while Adams spoke repeatedly about creating a safer city, at times in the context of restoring New Yorkers’ faith in city government.
It wasn’t long after Adams was sworn in that he was quickly confronted by crisis as, just on his first day, he rushed to the side of a police officer hospitalized after being shot in Harlem -- the first of five NYPD officers shot in Adams’ first month as mayor. Earlier that day, on his way to City Hall, the mayor reported an assault in progress from a subway station, a familiar role for the once-transit cop and 22-year veteran of the NYPD.
In the weeks since, Adams has crisscrossed the city, oftentimes using public transit or biking, part of his promised approach to be among New Yorkers and bring a different style and tenor to the job than his predecessor, Bill de Blasio. And, somewhat in the same vein, he has responded to emergency after emergency amid a packed schedule of public announcements and media appearances. The new mayor, embracing the job he has wanted for decades, has alternated between tears and joy.
“It's hard for me to believe it's only been a month, you know,” Adams said at a news conference at City Hall on Monday. “And if you haven't recognized it, I am just having the fun of my life, outside of the tragedies of people taking the innocent lives of people.”
Adams, a Democrat and the second Black mayor in the city’s history, has appointed prominent figures from the Bloomberg and de Blasio administrations, and several former elected officials, including Republicans. He has, to some degree, restructured the top levels of city government, shifting deputy mayor positions; naming new chief officers over technology, housing, and climate; and streamlining some of the city’s org chart, as he promised he would on the campaign trail. He has mixed substance and bluster, releasing a detailed plan to tackle gun violence and at times dismissing questions by citing his “swagger” or simply saying “I’ve got this.”
Adams has forged relationships with Governor Kathy Hochul and President Joe Biden, two fellow Democrats who could be key to the new mayor’s success, but he’s also alienated members of the City Council and State Legislature by interfering in the Council Speaker race and repeatedly publicly criticizing state criminal justice reforms.
As the omicron variant surged through the city amid the mayoral transition, Adams continued the de Blasio playbook and credited his predecessor's policies. But he also emphasized that the city must learn to live with covid and keep recovering. His first week was heavily focused on reopening city schools and keeping them open, without offering a broad remote learning option, despite calls for such a shift from teachers unions, some elected officials, and some parents.
And he pushed for companies to bring their workers back to the office, particularly in major Manhattan hubs, as Wall Street firms began to delay their return-to-work plans. “We have to open up," Adams said on CNN on January 4. “What we must understand is the resiliency of returning back to a normal life. If we don't open our cities, there are almost a million people that are behind in their rents right here in this city. We have low-skilled employees who can't do remote employment from home or telecommuting. That's not a reality in a city like New York and America. I need my cities to open.”
On Monday, Adams struck a positive note as he pointed out that covid indicators have been consistently trending downward in recent weeks after omicron peaked. The city can’t keep living “in a state of terror,” he insisted, flashing some of both his trademark optimism and bluster. “This is a real W for us,” he said. “You know, you can be so used to getting the Ls that you just wake up every day and hoping you're getting the L. No New York. Eric is your mayor. We’re getting Ws now. We are going to win.”
But on covid reopening and more, Adams has yet to lay out more detailed plans and proposals, in part because he has been consumed by emergencies, his administration is still young and being put together, and he did not appear to spend the transition period with much sense of urgency.
“Over the last month, Mayor Adams has lived up to his personal mantra of ‘Get Stuff Done’ — laying out a comprehensive Blueprint to End Gun Violence and improve public safety, taking action to spur economic development across New York City, winning in the fight against COVID-19, keeping our kids in school, and more,” said Fabien Levy, a spokesperson for Adams, in an email. “He’s put together a diverse and qualified team made up of some of the city’s most dedicated public servants, who are streamlining city government and making it run more efficiently. And amidst a challenging month for New York City, Mayor Adams has also shown up when communities need him most, at all hours, in all five boroughs, to provide the symbolic and substantive leadership New Yorkers elected him to provide.”
Tragedy After Tragedy
On January 9, a deadly fire in the Bronx took the lives of 17 people, one of the worst fires in the city’s history. Adams was promptly on the scene, holding two news conferences within the first 24 hours of the fire with Fire Department officials and local electeds to brief the public. Soon after, on January 18, an explosion in a residential building, also in the Bronx, killed one person and injured eight others. Adams was again at the spot to hold a public briefing.
Other high-profile incidents have also commanded the mayor’s attention. On January 9, a 19-year-old cashier at a Burger King in Harlem was shot and killed in an armed robbery. On January 15, Manhattan resident Michelle Alyssa Go was pushed in front of an arriving train and killed at the Times Square station, the apparent “random” victim of a homeless man with serious mental illness. Three days later, an NYPD officer was shot in the leg while struggling over a gun with a teenaged suspect. Then, on January 20, an 11-month-old infant was shot in the face in the Bronx, a stray bullet piercing the car she was sitting in with her mother.
Then, on the evening of January 21, NYPD Officers Jason Rivera and Wilbert Mora were shot while responding to a domestic disturbance call in Harlem. Rivera died that night while Mora passed away from his wounds several days later.
“Unfortunately, the tragedies that we’ve had with so many police officers being shot and those who have died, I think the person who could understand it the best is someone who was a police officer himself,” said Dr. Christina Greer, professor of political science at Fordham University.
After several of these incidents Adams held press briefings to decry the violence, pledged to create a safe city, and called on partners at other levels of government to help him achieve that promise. “I don't agree with all the things he does, but as far as showing up and showing that he wants to be mayor and wants to tackle some hard questions, so far he’s been there,” said Greer. She pointed out that Adams’ constant communication with New Yorkers and his omnipresence around the city has earned him significant goodwill.
“We don't realize just how, I would say, more or less traumatic it is to have a mayor that doesn’t seem interested in being mayor,” Greer added, contrasting Adams with de Blasio. “So the fact that Eric Adams is showing up and saying, ‘I'm really excited to be here and I want to work for you all,’ I think that goes a long way.”
Even before Go’s murder, Adams had outlined a plan to add more police officers and patrols to the subway system (there were officers on the platform, the NYPD said, when she was killed), and he’s offered several ways in which the NYPD will become more present and more assertive, with, he promises, careful attention to avoid overcriminalization.
“Our recovery is dependent on the public safety in this city and in the subway system,” Adams said at a briefing after Go’s murder. “We can do that with the right balance, a balance of safety and a balance of proactively giving people the assistance they need when they're in mental health crisis.”
“I don't think you can reopen the city without doing something about public violence and guns and the gangs in those parts of the city that have them,” said George Arzt, a veteran Democratic consultant. “He’s very much focused on them…He'll be going after those areas that are key in the quality of life of the city.”
Soon after Officers Rivera and Mora were shot, Adams unveiled his “Blueprint to End Gun Violence,” the release of which was apparently sped up by the incident. It includes many measures the mayor can control, and several that he can’t, but for his advocacy: reinventing a disbanded plainclothes NYPD anti-gun unit; changes to the state’s bail and youth offender laws; and additional resources to mental health services, youth employment programs, and gun violence prevention strategies, among many others.
“New Yorkers feel as if a sea of violence is engulfing our city. But as your mayor, I promise you, I will not let this happen,” Adams said at the January 24 announcement. “We will not surrender our city to the violent few. We are not going to go back to the bad old days. We are going to get trigger pullers off the streets and guns out of their hands.”
Some of Adams’ proposals received praise from moderates and conservatives, including business leaders, and pushback from progressives who fear that the city will ramp up aggressive policing that disproportionately harms New Yorkers of color. Many Democratic state legislators indicated little interest in revisiting landmark criminal justice reforms of the last few years, with some accusing the mayor of fear-mongering and getting his facts wrong. Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie of the Bronx, an architect of both the bail and Raise the Age laws, said Adams should focus on improving the city’s probation department.
“He's been where he's needed to be. From the fires to issues related to the police shootings, he has been there for the community. So I want to give him those props and that support,” said Camille Rivera, a partner at New Deal Strategies, a political consultancy. “That being said, I am very concerned that if you lean too much into the issues regarding just police safety, you're ignoring the issues around what's actually happening to our communities.”
The shootings of officers Rivera and Mora garnered focus from the White House as President Joe Biden announced he would visit New York on Thursday, February 3 to meet with the mayor “to discuss the Administration’s comprehensive strategy to combat gun crime, which includes historic levels of funding for cities and states to put more cops on the beat and invest in community violence prevention and intervention programs, as well as stepped up federal law enforcement efforts against illegal gun traffickers.”
In his eulogy for Rivera at the January 28 ceremony, Adams sought to soothe the public conscience about the city’s safety. “There has been a tremendous amount of sadness and grief in our city, but as I travel, I see something special about New York,” he said. “Inside the crevices of violence and uncertainty in covid, inside the uncertainty of what tomorrows are like — I see love and hope and opportunity.”
How He’s Doing
“What I think we're seeing is a pattern emerging where on the big issues, the macro issues, Eric Adams will tend to do very well, with a message that is what he actually believes. So there's authenticity but it also resonates with the public,” said Bruce Gyory, a veteran Democratic strategist with the firm Manatt, Phelps & Phillips, LLP, in a phone interview. “But we also see a pattern where on some of…the micro issues, of appointments and other things, the question is less about him than will his team be able to avoid…fumbles that could cost the mayor. Right now the mayor's dominance on the macro issues is his holding sway and he's off to a strong start.”
Biden’s visit to the city highlights how the killing of the two NYPD officers has grabbed national attention. It’s also proof, Gyory said, that Adams’ focus on public safety has struck a chord for Democrats. “[Biden’s] not going to Chicago. He's not going to Boston. He's coming to New York and that's because that Adams message resonates across a broad cross-section of voters not just in New York City, but in the larger metropolitan areas. And that is something a Democratic mayor hasn't had in quite some time.”
Adams has expressed kinship with Biden that speaks to their shared politics. “This is a great city, and I’m the Biden of Brooklyn,” Adams said at a news conference on Monday, when asked about the president’s impending visit. “And I love the fact that the president is coming here. I met with him after the campaign, and we spoke and we just connected, you know, and I'm sure if you were to ask him, ‘What is his favorite Mayor?’ He’ll clearly tell you it’s Eric…We just really like each other.”
Rivera, of New Deal Strategies, said Adams needs a “holistic approach” to public safety that goes beyond policing. For instance, greater resources for homelessness prevention and mental health services rather than increased police patrols. She also said that his rhetoric and potential over-reliance on the police are concerning for some people of color. “I think [it is] very nerve-wracking for someone like me or for many people who are saying, ‘We want to make sure that we're safe but we don't want to live in a police state.’”
“I want to make sure that it's OK for me to mourn the police and the people who died. It's OK for me to be sad and upset about what's happening to my city,” Rivera said. “But it's also OK for me to say that I also want to make sure that we're dealing with the real root causes of what's plaguing our city.”
Adams has promised a balance, and shown some commitment to that, organizing and attending multiple roundtable discussions with community activists focused more on non-police strategies for reducing gun violence. His “blueprint” has many pieces to it, and the mayor has said that the heavier policing focus will be on more short-term “intervention” while he scales up the medium- and long-term “prevention” programs.
Overall, Adams has made many personnel appointments but given limited indication about policy direction beyond public safety, with a few exceptions. In his first week, he announced new funding to help bolster the city’s hospital system as it was dealing with the omicron surge. He then appeared with Governor Kathy Hochul to announce a plan to increase NYPD patrols on the subway system along with state homeless outreach workers. He signed an executive order to consolidate and streamline the city’s technology agencies and another to provide relief from fines and fees to small businesses. And, along with NYPD Commissioner Keechant Sewell and Transportation Commissioner Ydanis Rodriguez, Adams announced a pedestrian safety plan that includes design improvements to 1,000 intersections and increased police enforcement.
On Sunday, he announced his housing leadership team, raising some concerns by naming a chief housing officer and not making it a deputy mayor level role, and on Monday he announced his climate leadership team, creating a new mayoral office that merged several existing ones that oversee environmental protection and climate-related issues. On both issues, Adams promised bold action to address the housing and climate crises facing the city, and reiterated a few major planks of his campaign agenda.
Throughout his first month, Adams was in and out of mini-controversies and headlines over unorthodox behavior, including comments he made about “low-skill” workers (he said he meant “low-wage”) and deciding to convert his first paycheck into cryptocurrency. Both types of happenings were indicative of a mayor who is at once a great communicator and prone to gaffes, and who is spontaneous and experimental.
As Gyory noted, though Adams has received praise for his rapid responses to the crisis of the day, his fledgling administration has stumbled out the gate. He has been slow to make appointments to various city agencies and has also picked several people for his administration, or sought to appoint them, that have raised a series of questions about the ethical standards he will follow.
He appointed a prominent Brooklyn lawyer, Frank Carone, as his chief of staff even though his firm has a lobbying practice with business before the city and Carone has a variety of political and legal entanglements. He attempted to give his brother, Bernard Adams, a top position at an annual salary of $210,000 only to withdraw the idea amid questions about violation of the city’s nepotism law. Instead, he sought and received a waiver from the Conflicts of Interest Board to hire his brother at a nominal salary of $1 as a City Hall advisor. He installed a former top NYPD official, Phillip Banks III, as his deputy mayor for public safety despite Banks having resigned from the police department under a cloud of scandal. He let Banks push out the NYPD internal affairs chief who had investigated the former chief of department in the past, and he let the new correction commissioner, Louis Molina, fire that department’s inspector general, who had taken an assertive approach to investigating correction officer wrongdoing.
[Read: Adams Begins Mayoralty with Series of Ethics Questions]
But questions about his appointments are not the types of concerns that matter to everyday New Yorkers, observers say. “I think Eric has shown real leadership. He's out there everywhere. And he is blunt. He's willing to listen. He's willing to say that he's wrong on occasion,” said Arzt. “He very much reminds me of Ed Koch, as someone who goes out and talks his mind and is present all over the city. You didn't get that from Eric's predecessor.”
Adams has even earned praise for his performance from those who would usually be critical of a Democratic mayor, showing that at least on public safety matters, he is aligned with more conservative entities, as he has long acknowledged.
As Greer noted, on issues of public safety, the conservative press has focused its criticism on progressive lawmakers and especially Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg, instead of Mayor Adams. “He's been able to sidestep some of the kind of month-one nitpicking that occurs because so much of that has been directed at Al Bragg…[Adams] is generally a good politician, but he's also had a little bit of luck.”
“I think he's inheriting a tough climate and he's inheriting a constituency that is different from that of a lot of legislators who are standing in his way on a number of issues,” said City Council Member Joe Borelli, a Staten Island Republican and the Council minority leader. “I think it's public safety this month. It'll be other things next month, it'll be on the right and left. It's just the nature of having an eight-and-a-half million person constituency versus having a Democratic primary vote with a thousand people.”
Unlike de Blasio, Adams seems to enjoy his job, Borelli said, citing the new mayor’s willingness to tour the five boroughs during the bomb cyclone that hit the city over the weekend. Adams even went down to his Brooklyn home to shovel the sidewalk and later rode the Staten Island Ferry that day. “I just think that there is a lot to be gained from speaking to Joe Blow, the plow driver,” Borelli said. “The less time he spends in City Hall, the more time he spends in a sanitation garage or in the superintendent's office of a housing project, the better mayor he will be.”
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by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
@samarkhurshid @GothamGazette