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Unions Find Room Under Occupy Wall Street's Umbrella


occupy wall street
Photos by Gail Robinson
The union members and others who have joined the Occupy Wall Street protests bring their own grievances to the movement, including cuts in education and mass transit.

In the early days of the Occupy Wall Street sit-in at Zuccotti Park, one protester's sign asked "Where the f--- are the unions?"

He didn't have to wait long. On Wednesday, union representatives secured a permit for a demonstration in Foley Square followed by a march back down to the Occupy Wall Street staging ground. The groups joined forces, swelling to about 15,000 to 20,000, the movement's largest show of force to date. But more than the numbers, Wednesday's demonstration showcased the growing institutional support for the protest, spurred by individual union members who took the movement’s message to their respective leaders.

Because Occupy Wall Street's message is so diffuse, many unions found room for their specific grievances under the broader umbrella of discontent. The presence of organized labor as well as the support of local and national politicians may make it easier for the protest to gain visibility, credibility and permits for their actions.

Organizations that showed up included 1199 SEIU, SEIU Local 32BJ, Transit Workers Union Local 100, United Federation of Teachers, New York State United Teachers, >Communications Workers of America, United Auto Workers, the New York Central Labor Council and the Writers Guild, among others. Many union members came from Philadelphia and New Jersey.

"The students got it right," said John Duffy, national vice president of the Utility Workers Union. "The only way to get media attention is to occupy a public space for a long time."

From Individuals to Unions

Unions, whose members tend to be older and more settled in than the many 20-somethings occupying Zuccotti Park, are less likely to turn to long-term sit-ins to garner support for their cause. "Union heads tend to be conservative and fear radicalism," said Kelly Wolcott, a chapter leader with the United Federation of Teachers who teaches eighth grade English in Brooklyn.

But that mentality is changing due to inspiration from the youth. Much of the union support for Occupy Wall Street started with union members coming to the park as individuals, getting inspired and taking the message back to their colleagues, according to Wolcott.

The powerful SEIU 1199 hospital workers union said in a statement: "After the 1199 executive council heard a report on the Wall Street occupation by two of its young activists, President George Gresham offered the motion to support the action." Meanwhile, bus drivers joined the march after being angered when the police commandeered city buses to deliver arrested protesters to precincts.

"The drivers … don't support the police actions," said Willie Rivera, the division chair of the Brooklyn Bus Operators. "They put us on the spot."

Labor-affiliated members of Occupy Wall Street launched a subgroup for union outreach after the march on Wednesday, setting up their own table near under the iconic red girder sculpture in Zuccotti Park. There, members of both the protest movement and organized labor groups brainstorm about how to expand the demonstrations and attract new levels of support.

Common Grievances

The protests target wealthy individuals, corporate leadership and politicians who, the demonstrators believe, all too often do the bidding of private interest lobbyists. But the demonstrations' audience is everyone else -- the 99 percent of us, as they like to say. The movement's main objective right now is reaching more individuals and groups across New York and the United States -- including the many million who remain indifferent and uncertain.

occupy wall Street
An optimistic demonstrator marched in Foley Square last week.

"This [demonstration] is for the people who would rather watch Monday Night football while the economy is crumbling," said Duffy.

The lack of specific demands, once cited as a liability in the press, may turn out to be an asset. This vagueness enabled the unions to find fertile ground to push for their own issues within the protests. These unions' involvement then gave more legitimacy to the movement drawing.

Members of the CUNY faculty and their union, the Professional Staff Congress, came out to protest of "crummy pay" among professors and adjunct instructors, said Arthur Cain, professor of French at Borough of Manhattan Community College. The United Federation of Teachers is alarmed about the "extreme budget cuts" at city schools and the persistent threat of layoffs, according to Wolcott, who considers this "part of a broader attack on the 99 percent."

Many school programs aimed at poorer students have gone on the chopping block federally and locally. Citing one example, Wolcott said the threshold has gone up for schools to receive funding under the federal free and reduced price lunch program. Wolcott's school narrowly missed qualifying

Budgets are also on the mind of the Transit Workers’ Union, which is concerned about the deep and repeated cuts in the Metropolitan Transportation Authority operating budget over the past two years, according to Alan Saly, the union's director of publications. He charges the transit authority has thrown its money into massive capital expansion projects and debt service, at the expense of its customers and employees, 1,000 of whom were laid off last year.

"Revenues decreased … so they have to cut the budget and they disproportionately cut operating funds,” said Saly. He added that close to 20 percent of the MTA budget goes to debt service to the MTA's bondholders. The union thinks that instead of borrowing for capital projects, the authority should concentrate on paying its workers and performing maintenance on existing train and bus lines.

Like the other Occupy Wall Street protesters, many of the union members believe the draconian cuts in transit, education and other program could be avoided if the wealthiest paid more taxes.

Power in Numbers

The rising union support for Occupy Wall Street may provide the protests with resources and political capital. Many of the larger unions have more political connection than unaffiliated demonstrators and may find it easier to secure political support and protest permits.

On Wednesday, the police department granted marching permits to the union groups but not to Occupy Wall Street. (Despite the lack of the permit, the police allowed Occupy Wall Street to march to Foley Square to join up with the unions.) The unions also were granted the use of loudspeakers, something that is not allowed for the Zuccotti Park occupiers. Protesters compensate by repeating individual announcements as a crowd to make sure that everyone hears.

Unions have also joined many local businesses in donating food and other goods to the occupiers. The SEIU has sent nurses to train protesters who staff the first aid center at the park. The National Lawyers Guild has provided legal support to the movement on two fronts: aiding arrested demonstrator and keeping the movement abreast of civic regulations that govern protests.

"They are behind [Occupy Wall Street] as a message. They agree," said Pat Walsh, a nurse from Colorado who staffs the movement’s outreach desk. "We are trying to be the voice of America."

The movement also has started to draw support from politicians, such as U.S. Demcratic Reps. Charles Rangel and Louise Slaughter of New York. "The wealthiest few should pay their fair share instead of enjoying the record profits on the backs of the middle class. The American people have had enough. They're mad as hell, and I agree," Rangel said in a statement.

Steny Hoyer, the number two Democrat in the House of Representatives also spoke well of the movement.

But Occupy Wall Street continues to avoid appealing directly to politicians and while many members of it lean left, they declined to be affiliated with any party. Multiple signs castigate billionaire Mayor Michael Bloomberg, depicting him in the clothes of a king. (Bloomberg has returned the favor, accusing the protesters of trying to "take the jobs away from people working in this city," although he said yesterday that the demonstrators could remain in Zuccotti Park.)

But President Barack Obama wasn't spared either. One protester carried a sign that read, "Barry O's 'A Nightmare on Wall Street.'"

A Decade after 9/11, Little Pakistan Bounces Back


Little Pakistan
Photo by Larry Tung
Pakistani businesses line several blocks of Coney Island Avenue in the Midwood section of Brooklyn.

It was Mohammad Nadeem's stomach that led him to what would be his home away from home.

"I landed in JFK and asked a cab driver to take me to a Pakistani neighborhood," said Nadeem, a native of Pakistan who did not know anyone in New York. "I was hungry after a long flight. I wanted some Pakistani food."

The cab driver happened to be a fellow Pakistani. So he took Nadeem to this Brooklyn neighborhood on Coney Island Avenue between Avenues C and H where halal restaurants, grocery stores and pharmacies line the streets.

"It was completely by accident," said Nadeem of encountering a Pakistani cab driver. "Ten years later, he is still my friend."

"The neighborhood in the Midwood section that Nadeem eventually settled in is known as Little Pakistan. Its residents came under increased suspicion and scrutiny after 9/11, spurring many to leave New York and deterring other from moving here. After rough years, though, residents today see the prejudice waning and the community growing.

Creating Little Pakistan

This section of Brooklyn today is home to the largest Pakistani community in New York City. But before the barbershops and jewelry stores catering to South Asian customers dotted Coney Island Avenue, the neighborhood was primarily Jewish.

"Twenty or more years ago there was still a trace of earlier times: both commercially and populations," said Jerome Krase, a sociologist and professor emeritus at Brooklyn College. "There were antique stores and shops that catered to previous residents such as upper-middle and middle-class Jews and a smattering of other white ethnic homeowners, renters and store owners such as Italians and Irish."

But by the 1990s, a wave of Pakistani immigrants has moved into the area, although the surrounding streets still are home to many Jews. According to census numbers, the number of Pakistani immigrants in Brooklyn went up from 4,949 in 1990 to 9,903 in 2000. The population doubled in the last decade and went up to 18,296. But unofficial numbers are higher as many undocumented immigrants are not counted. In the last decade, Pakistani-owned businesses started sprawling on Coney Island Avenue.

Turning Point

Then came 9/11. The devastating event put Pakistanis and several other ethnic groups under the spotlight. Federal and local agencies came into many South Asian and Muslim communities looking for suspicious aliens and sparking fear among residents.

"Before 911, you used to see hundreds of people walking on the streets," said Nadeem, now a shopkeeper at a grocery store at the corner of Coney Island Avenue and Glenwood Road. "The FBI came knocking on people’s doors and asking questions. People were scared. Business dropped more than 50 percent."

Osama Kahlio, a medical technician and a native of Flatbush, had first-hand experience of discrimination even though he was not living in the United States on 9/11. His Pakistani-born parents had sent him to live in Pakistan so he could learn the language and culture.

"When I returned to New York for high school in 2005, I was constantly teased by my classmates because of my name," said Kahlio, who is 23 and will attend Brooklyn College. "There was a lot of peer pressure. It wasn't physical stress but a lot of mental stress.

Unfriendly Environment

In September 2002, the Department of Homeland Security launched a special registration system, the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System or NSEER, requiring male citizens over 16 years of age from 25 countries -- mostly Muslim countries in Africa and Asian -- to register with the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement. Although the system was terminatedin April 2011, many law-biding Pakistani immigrants fell victim to it.

"All of a sudden there was a sweep of almost 500 people in the community," said Mohammad Razvi, who started the Council of Peoples Organization or COPOUSA, a non-profit community organization that supports South Asian communities, in the wake of 9/11. "It was basically based on names. Persons with names like Mohammad or Amid. Many people were swept up under suspicion."

Razvi said many people faced deportation proceedings over minor immigration issues such as failure to report a change of address to immigration authorities.

"It's catch 22. You are damned if you go and you are damned if you don’t,: said Razvi.

Those affected included people waiting for a decision on their Legal Immigration and Family Equity Act, or LIFE petition, which helps some individuals who would not normally qualify for permanent residence to obtain a green card.

"Even though they filed the petition and were waiting for the judge’s decision," said Razvi. "they were still picked up and put into deportation proceeding because they don’t have permanent residency yet."

Leaving New York

During the height of the sweep, more than 20,000 people in Brooklyn’s South Asian communities left the United States, a COPO survey found. Many sought political asylum in Canada and Australia, and some returned to Pakistan and other countries. A number of them never returned.

"Some people did come back from Canada but very limited," noted Razvi. "But those who stayed in Canada are living the American dream there." He added that a neighbor who used to own a barbershop is now running a successful business in Toronto and has purchased a big house.

Nadeem, the shopkeeper, also tried his luck elsewhere. He moved to Pennsylvania and Massachusetts briefly in 2005 but eventually returned to Midwood.

"I love this city," said Nadeem. "This is where I can live a similar life like back home."

Building Bridges

Like many other ethnic enclaves in the city, the Pakistani community in Midwood had been insular and quiet. But 9/11 pushed residents to step outside of their comfort zone.

Razvi said one of COPO's missions is to promote understanding and help community members integrate into the mainstream society. Among the organization's many services, English as a second language has topped the list. Citizenship classes, healthcare education and legal services are also popular.

But despite such efforts, the community remains under the shadow of 9/11, said Razvi,

To try to address that his organization recently held a youth conference in the hopes of building a better relationship between community youth and federal and local law enforcement agencies.

"More than 500 kids came in," said Razvi. "The purpose was to build a bridge and remove the stigma that all the law enforcement agencies do is to knock on your door and arrest your parents and cousins. They are also here to protect you, and there are job opportunities for you as well."

Bouncing Back

Despite the lingering effects in the community, Little Pakistan is flourishing again with booming business. According to Nadeem, at least four restaurants in the area are open 24 hours a day. In addition, his employer just opened another grocery store a few blocks down the street to serve more customers. Some 50,000 Pakistanis now live in New York.

"People are coming back," said Nadeem. "And I see new Pakistani families shopping in our store every week."

And the new generation is optimistic.

"It's like everywhere. Look at Vietnam and Japan," said Kahlio, the medical technician, referring to the discrimination against Vietnamese and Japanese immigrants during and after the Vietnam War and World War II. "It will take time. Hopefully the prejudice will go away someday."

City Council Challenges Obama Administration on Deportations


Members of the New York City Council aren't waiting for the Obama administration to fix the immigration system.

New York has long been a sanctuary for immigrants and now, a majority of City Council members has moved to take on the Obama administration and current city policy in an effort to reduce the threat of deportation for some of New York's undocumented residents.

In a bill introduced on Wednesday Intro 656), City Council members propose to remove city funding that supports Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) efforts to detain immigrants who have been cleared of their crimes and have no previous criminal background.

mark-viverito
Photo by Jane C. Timm
City Councilmember Melissa Mark-Viverito, a leading sponsor of a bill to limit the city's cooperation with federal immigration officials, spoke at a rally before the measure was introduced on Wednesday.

"This is the right message to send to the administration," Councilmember Melissa Mark-Viverito of Manhattan, a lead sponsor of the bill, told Gotham Gazette. "We won't be complicit in ensnaring New York City residents in a broken immigration system."

On Thursday, the Obama administration announced that it would suspend deportation proceedings against many undocumented immigrants who pose no threat to national security or public safety.

Peter Markowitz, director of the Immigration Justice Clinic at Cardozo Law School, has doubt about what President Barack Obama's promise will really mean.

"We don’t know how this is going to be implemented," Markowitz said, noting the announcement's vague language. "We're past the point with the Obama administration where we take them at their word on immigration issues. Until we see some action, localities need to do what they need to do what they need to do to protect their communities."

Detained and Deported

ICE's Criminal Alien Program aims to "screen inmates and place detainers on criminal aliens to process them for removal before they are released to the general public," according to ICE. Under the program, the city gives names of people arrested -- whether or not they are convicted of any crime -- to the federal agency, which then can check whether the person is here legally. If not, ICE then requests that the person be detained after his or her scheduled release so ICE can arrange to transfer the immigrant to a federal facility, usually far from New York, to await deportation proceedings.

Opponent of the Criminal Alien Program say that far too often it sends innocent people and petty criminals into ICE's hands.

More than 50 percent of all prison inmates who are discharged to the ICE have no criminal record, the council bill states; for 20 percent of all the inmates who are discharged to ICE their highest offense is a misdemeanor. In New York, violations lower than a misdemeanor and certain crimes committed by youths are not considered criminal. The detentions of inmates for ICE cost tens of millions of dollars, according to Make the Road New York, a nonprofit that works with immigrants, and the federal government only subsidizes a portion of that.

The bill already has 35 cosponsors — enough to overrule a mayoral veto — and may find more after the hearings. Most notably, it also has backing from Council Speaker Christine Quinn, who is one of the sponsors.

According to council sources, Mayor Michael Bloomberg – normally an outspoken supporter of immigrants' rights — does not support the bill. A spokesman for him noted that the mayor does not take public stances on legislation before its hearings and but added, "We are glad that the council has begun considering the public safety aspects of this issue, and we look forward to reviewing the draft legislation."

Earlier this year, in a letter to the New York Times, John Feinblatt, the mayor's chief policy adviser, linked the detention to the city's efforts to prevent terrorism. "As our country has learned tragically, when government agencies fail to cooperate and share information, not only is public safety compromised, so is national security," Feinblatt wrote.

Quinn, who regularly sides with the mayor, is standing against him on this; Mark-Viverito said it is because she sees it as "the right thing to do."

For many, the deportations occur a matter of timing and limited resources — not because of a crime.

Sarah Deri Oshiro, an attorney at Bronx Defenders, a nonprofit that provides legal services to Bronx residents charged with crimes, described a former client, Gustavo, a 32-year-old man who had been in New York City for almost a decade. After being arrested for a having fake green card in 2004, he never appeared for trial for fear of deportation.

When he was arrested a second time — accused of stealing a box of Snickers — a higher bail was set. "No one could run down to jail and post $1,000 that night, so he ends up having to spend the night in jail which is the end of your story, if you're an undocumented immigrant," Oshiro said.

Gutavo was later cleared of the candy bar charge, but it was too late -- ICE had already placed a detainer hold on Gustavo, and he was deported back to Mexico shortly after.

These kinds of cases are "much more common than people believe," Oshiro said.

Safety Issues

Their occurrence – and the city government's complicity in such strict federal immigration proceedings — erodes the trust between immigrants and law enforcement, bill supporters say.

"What it means on the ground is that immigrant women who are victims of domestic violence are afraid to call the police, immigrants may be afraid to report crimes, immigrants may be afraid to seek services they're eligible for," the co-executive director of Make the Road New York Andrew Friedman said.

But opponents of the bill aren’t convinced.

Cops aren't "out there arresting innocent witnesses to crimes for being illegal immigrants," Councilmember Peter Vallone of Queens said.

"This entire bill operates on the erroneous premise that the people who enter this country illegally are entitled to a trial on a separate criminal charge before we even share information with the federal government," he told Gotham Gazette.

Vallone wrote to the federal Department of Homeland Security expressing his opposition to the bill in December 2010 and said that a delegation of 10 people from the department visited him to discuss the issue and his support of their work. "They believe what they are doing in our jails is absolutely necessary to keep our cities safe," he said. The delegation also later met with Quinn to discuss the bill. "I think that proves how important this is," Vallone said.

Opponents of the bill say that if passed, it will threaten public safety.

"This is a political decision. They don't think our immigration should be enforced and they’ll do anything to thwart it," said Ira Mehlman, a spokesman for the Federation for American Immigration Reform, which advocates for stricter immigration policies.

The bill's introduction takes place amid a larger immigration and states right debate over the Obama administration's Secure Communities, a program that shares fingerprint information of all undocumented immigrants with ICE in order to speed ICE's deportation of felons. Gov. Andrew Cuomo made New York the second state – Illinois was the first — to withdraw from the program earlier this summer. "Based on evidence to date, it appears the program in New York is failing in this regard and is actually undermining law enforcement," the governor's office said in a press release in June.

In August, however, the Obama administration informed governors that they did not have the right to leave the program and that it would be implemented anyway. New York, Illinois and Massachusetts, which also has opted out, are fighting this decision.

"This bill will do what it proclaims to do with or without the Secure Communities program," said Markowitz, who was on a team commissioned by Make the Road to study New York's immigration policies. "The number of people affected by it would skyrocket, too, if Secure Communities is implemented. The import of this bill would increase."

If Secure Communities does go into effect here, the city would have to inform ICE of any immigrant it arrests. This would certainly increase the number of people ICE would seek to detain and perhaps deport, but the council bill would keep the city from complying with many of those requests. "Immigration admits that they cannot force us to hold people on detainers. To the contrary, they've said, 'We know we can't do that,'" Markowitz said.



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