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Max Politics Podcast: Jumaane Williams on Being Reelected Public Advocate & Moving Toward a Run for Governor


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Jumaane Williams (photo: John McCarten/City Council)


November 9, 2021 - Max Politics Podcast: Jumaane Williams on Being Reelected Public Advocate & Exploring a Run for Governor

Jumaane Williams joined the show to discuss his reelection as Public Advocate, what he's watching for from Mayor-elect Eric Adams, his exploration of a run for Governor, and more.

Listen to the conversation and let us know what you think, on Twitter @TweetBenMax. You can listen to the show through the embedded audio below or download the episode wherever you get your podcasts at Max Politics.

Read more: Max Politics Podcast: Jumaane Williams on Being Reelected Public Advocate & Moving Toward a Run...

Coalition Outlines How Next Mayor Should Address Workforce Development During City’s Economic Recovery


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Workforce development (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayor's Office)


Invest in Skills New York City, a citywide coalition part of a state group focused on prioritizing workforce development, recently released a report examining how the city’s workforce development funding is spent and issuing recommendations for the next mayor to improve how that work feeds the city’s economic recovery from the devastation of the covid pandemic.

In “Follow the Money,” Invest in Skills breaks down New York City’s workforce development spending and offers three categories of recommendations for the new mayor, who is set to take office January 1 with the city’s economy still hurting and unemployment still high from the impacts of COVID-19. While the report was released before the election, we now know that Democrat Eric Adams, who talks a lot about improving workforce development in the city, will be the next mayor.

“People,” “Community,” and “Systems” are the three categories of recommendations in the report, which has the stated goals of ensuring equitable and long-term economic gains for the city’s workforce.

The pandemic has taken a toll on workforces across the country and New York City residents have been among the worst off given the timing of the first wave and particulars of the impact of the virus in the five boroughs, including on the city's formerly massive tourist economy. Examining workforce development anew in the context of the city’s economic reopening and, to some degree, reinvention, Invest in Skills New York City sought to understand how the system of “75 funding streams administered by 21 city agencies that support workforce development programming” operate to help New Yorkers.

The study comes at a critical time, with New York City seeing a slower economic recovery from the pandemic in comparison to the rest of the state and country. The city’s unemployment rate, which skyrocketed from about 4% before the pandemic to over 20% at its height. At the end of September 2021, the statewide unemployment rate has dropped to 7.1%, while New York City’s rate is at 9.8%. The city is particularly important in the context of workforce recovery since before the pandemic, New York City was home to a record high of 4.69 million jobs.

Services including job counseling, job training, placement to subsidized work opportunities, and other programs are part of New York City’s workforce development “ecosystem,” a complex system of nonprofits, for-profits, and agencies at the federal, state, and city levels of government. During good and bad economic times, that ecosystem must work for those who need work or are looking to change jobs or be able to move up the socioeconomic ladder. The economic catastrophe brought on by the pandemic raised the stakes to unseen heights, provoking the latest Invest in Skills report.

There is widespread hope that the federal government will pass the bipartisan $1 trillion infrastructure package that President Joe Biden is pushing and it will both create workforce development opportunities and many thousands of jobs, and a variety of groups and officials -- including the de Blasio administration and Mayor-elect Adams -- have been looking at the best ways to prepare. There are serious quetsions, however, whether the city has been taking smart steps to prepare its workforce and workforce development programs for the new economy.

The Invest in Skills examination of the city’s workforce development spending based on funding sources shows New York City government paying for about half, with the other half coming from federal, state, and private sources. A large portion of workforce development funding in the city is used for subsidized wages and wraparound services for students in high school and college, the report says. The workforce development budget is “large,” according to Invest in Skills, but only a small percentage of it is used for job training and placement, services that are incredibly important for dislocated workers. One conclusion of the assessment is that the current distribution of funds may limit the realization of an equitable economic recovery for New Yorkers given the lack of focus on job training and placement.

The way in which the workforce development budget is distributed to programs that offer different types of services also affects how these programs can recover from budget cuts. For instance, the losses in the workforce development budget, such as the federal Workforce Innovations and Opportunities (WIOA) funding has decreased by around $4 million, negatively impacted the programs that job training and placement at a higher rate than programs focused on education. The education-based Adult and Youth Programs have been able to recover from the WIOA funding reduction through increased support from other sources. In contrast, the Dislocated Worker Program, which helps those whole have lost work to find employment, has not been able to recover in the same way. During the recovery from the Coronavirus pandemic, these programs are crucial in aiding workers displaced by the pandemic.

While overall New York City’s workforce development programming is well-funded, many of these programs are not focused on job placement. According to the Invest in Skills report, many that offer important services, like job training, aid in education access, or adult literacy education, do not offer job counseling or track long-term job placement among participants.

Workforce development programs that seek to immediately connect New Yorkers with work are not as well funded as suggested by the total workforce development program spending. Narrowing the definition of workforce funding to exclude education programs, such as those promoting college access and adult literacy, and subsidized wage programs more than halves the funds. According to Invest in Skills, the decentralized nature of New York City’s workforce development system makes it difficult to fully dissect the funding and outcomes of these programs.

As the incoming Mayor Adams considers how to best support New York City workers in the recovery from COVID-19, Invest in Skills lays out key recommendations in the three aforementioned categories of people, community, and systems.

For people, Invest in Skills advises “expanding education, workforce training and jobs” for workers impacted by the pandemic through increased investment in "On-Ramps to Skills" training.

On the community level, the organization calls for the creation of a permanent workforce development fund to facilitate sustainable and long-term financial support for workforce development initiatives. The report encourages the formation of quality neighborhood-based talent pipelines by allocating 10% of all economic development initiative funds to local community-based organizations to aid workforce development. Also recommended is investing in subsidized employment, with public funds to support unemployed and under-employed New Yorkers to connect them to employment opportunities

“System” adjustments Invest in Skills wants to see would, its report says, foster a more streamlined and effective workforce development network to further sustainable economic recovery. To address the decentralized nature of New York City’s workforce development system and its resulting shortcomings, the report calls on the next mayor to appoint and empower a “senior administration official” dedicated to workforce needs. The administration should collect workforce related data, it also says, to connect employer and employee needs and set city-wide standards to measure economic recovery and programs outcomes.

For those focused on workforce development and jobs, there is reason to hope that Mayor-elect Adams will focus on the issue: during his election night victory speech, he promised, "We are going to launch an unprecedented job program to link out-of-work New Yorkers not just with jobs, but with skills and training."

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by Naomi Buchanan, Gotham Gazette
@GothamGazette

An Initial Look at Voter Turnout in the 2021 New York City General Election


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Voters voting (photo: Michael Appleton/Mayoral Photography Office)


Voter turnout in the 2021 New York City general election was slightly lower than the already-depressed 2017 and 2013 elections.

Every four years, all of city government is on the ballot, including Mayor, other citywide offices, borough president positions, and the entire 51-seat City Council. This election was the first time since 2013 that most of those positions, including Mayor, were open due to term limits.

This year, just under 20% of the 5.6 million registered New York City voters cast ballots in the mayoral election among Democrat Eric Adams, Republican Curtis Sliwa, and other candidates. In 2013, when Mayor Bill de Blasio, a Democrat, faced-off against Republican Joe Lhota and others for the open seat, turnout was roughly 24%. In 2017, when de Blasio defended his mayoralty against Republican Nicole Malliotakis, turnout was about 23%.

Roughly 1.1 million city residents appear to have voted this fall. That includes about 79,000 absentee voters as of Thursday afternoon, with more ballots still coming in and to be counted as long as they were postmarked on or before Election Day. Of the over 1 million in-person voters, about 170,000 people voted during the nine-day in-person early voting period October 23-31.

In raw numbers, about 65,000 fewer voters cast ballots this year than the last mayoral election in 2017. And this year saw about 1,000 fewer voters than in 2013, the last election with no incumbent mayor. But since 2013, about 1 million more voters were added to the city rolls, meaning a far smaller portion of potential voters decided to have their voices heard.

The figures are based on unofficial election night results provided by the New York City Board of Elections and voter registration data from the State Board of Elections. The analysis factors in the roughly 79,000 uncounted absentee ballots and assumes none were superseded by an in-person ballot cast from the same voters, which is allowed under city and state rules.

Some observers have said the low numbers are indicative of the uncompetitive nature of most general elections in a city heavily dominated by Democrats, but they are not dissimilar to turnout in the highly-competitive primaries and are part of a downward trend over decades. That trend has continued in municipal elections despite much higher turnout for presidential races and, over the last few years, expanded access to the ballot through the advent of early voting and other voting reforms.

As of election night, Eric Adams, the Brooklyn Borough President, had received about 676,000 votes, or 66% of the in-person tally, according to the city board's unofficial results. Sliwa, a conservative talk radio host and founder of the Guardian Angels, garnered 293,000 votes, or 29% of the in-person total. The results will be updated and certified in the coming weeks once absentee and affidavit ballots are counted. Adams' margin is expected to grow given that the absentee ballots skew heavily toward Democrats.

Of in-person voting, Adams' margin of victory, roughly 380,000 votes, is narrower than de Blasio's win over Malliotakis in 2017 -- a 440,000-vote difference -- and his 2013 showing over Lhota -- won by a stunning 530,000 votes. Per the City Board of Elections, Democratic voters returned about 66,000 absentee ballots and Republicans about 6,000. Though not every Democrat will vote for Adams and not every Republican will vote for Sliwa, they will likely track closely and could expand Adams' margin to roughly 440,000.

The competitive Democratic primary in June saw 25% of registered party members go to the polls. By raw numbers, that primary saw about 266,000 more ballots than total votes for Adams in the general election, indicating a Democratic dropoff between the spring and the fall (not including the roughly 79,000 uncounted absentee votes, which are likely to skew heavily towards Adams).

That drop-off may speak to how many saw the general election as a foregone conclusion across the mayoral race and so many others, while there were also far more candidates across the city running active, competitive campaigns in the primaries. Eight Democratic mayoral candidates received and spent millions in public matching funds in the primary, for example, while there were also highly competitive Democratic primaries for Comptroller, several borough presidencies, Manhattan District Attorney, and dozens of City Council seats.

On the other hand, Republican turnout in the mayoral primary was just 60,000 -- only about 11% of the 570,000 registered Republicans. But in the general election, Sliwa’s vote count increased fourfold. In raw votes, Sliwa's showing was lower than Malliotakis' 317,000 votes in 2017 but higher than Lhota's 264,000 in 2013.

There are also just over 1 million party-unaffiliated, or "independent," registered voters in the city, significantly outnumbering registered Republicans. Sliwa, a "Never Trumper" who has had a difficult relationship with many Republican leaders, got close to 9,000 of his votes running on an Independent ballot line, and was hoping to appeal to many conservative Democrats as well as Republicans and independents.

The citywide average turnout of roughly 20% was buoyed by high turnout on Staten Island, which saw nearly 30% of registered voters cast ballots when factoring in absentees. It was home to the only competitive borough-wide race of the general election -- for borough president -- and had one closely-watched City Council race, for the mid-island 50th district. Both races were won by the Republican nominees.

A total of about 100,000 mayoral race votes came from Staten Island. Brooklyn had the highest number of voters with about 330,000, followed by Queens with 270,000, Manhattan with 260,000, and the Bronx with about 125,000.

Manhattan, Queens, and Brooklyn each had turnout of between 19% and 21%, while the Bronx saw just 14% of eligible voters cast ballots, in line with its usual lower turnout than the other boroughs.

The average in-person vote per City Council District was just under 19,000, according to an analysis by the CUNY Mapping Service, which excluded absentee ballots. Council Districts 6 (Upper West Side), 39 (Park Slope), 50 (mid-Staten Island), and 51 (Staten Island's South Shore) had the highest raw number of voters, each with over 30,000 in-person voters.

The former two districts, progressive bastions with high turnout in virtually all elections, did not have competitive general elections. The latter two, Republican strongholds home to many public employees reportedly upset by the city’s covid vaccine mandate, saw the hard-fought mid-island race and a runaway for GOP incumbent Council Member Joseph Borelli.

Of the four boroughs he is winning before the absentee count, Adams saw his widest margin in Manhattan, with 155,000 more votes, followed by Brooklyn with 149,000 more votes, the Bronx with 65,000 more votes, and Queens with 56,000 more votes than Sliwa.

Sliwa has gotten 41,000 more votes than Adams on Staten Island.

Compared with 2013, Adams fared better than de Blasio did on the Upper East Side of Manhattan, but worse in southern Brooklyn and parts of northern and central Queens, according to an analysis from the CUNY Mapping Service. Some of the areas where Adams did worse saw Republican gains in the City Council and strong opposition to several of the state constitutional amendments proposed on the ballot. They include areas with large populations of Asian, Orthodox Jewish, and white voters of eastern European descent living in enclaves that tend to be more conservative.

Ballot Proposals, Statewide and in New York City
New Yorkers statewide were given a chance to approve or vote down five proposed amendments to the state constitution through yes or no questions on the general election ballot. Of the five, two passed (related to environmental rights and the New York City Civil Court) and three failed (related to voting rights and legislative redistricting).

The passing amendments enshrined "a right to clean air and water, and a healthful environment" and expanded the jurisdiction of the city's Civil Court to claims of up to $50,000 (from $25,000). The failing amendments would have allowed for "no-excuse" absentee voting and "same-day" election day registration and voting, and would have made a number of changes to the way state and federal district lines are drawn and approved every ten years.

Each measure was passed twice in successive sessions of the Democrat-controlled State Legislature before appearing on the ballot this year. All were opposed by Republicans who waged a statewide campaign to kill them, with a special focus on the three that were defeated.

The failure of the three proposals was driven by ballots outside New York City. Within the five boroughs, all were supported by a majority of voters.

Statewide, roughly 3.1 million New Yorkers voted "Yes" or "No" or left the questions unanswered on their ballots (not including absentee ballots), according to the State Board of Elections. That represents roughly 23% of the state's 13.4 million registered voters.

The right to clean air and water is passing 61% to 27%, with 12% of ballots left blank, in the unofficial tally that does not include absentee votes. The Civil Court amendment is passing nearly 54% to 42%, with 15% not answering the question, as of the latest numbers through Election Day.

No-excuse absentee voting is failing by a 50% to 39% margin, with 11% blank. Same-day voter registration similarly is failing 51% to 38%, with 11% blank as of unofficial initial tallies.

The redistricting amendment is failing 49% to 38%, with 13% of voters choosing not to answer, with more voters to be counted soon. It is unlikely that the absentee votes, though they will heavily skew Democratic and toward “Yes” votes on the ballot measures, can sway any of the outcomes.

The unofficial preliminary results do include more than 100,000 absentee ballots.

In New York City, the clean environment amendment has thus far been approved by a stunning 82% voting "Yes" and only 18% voting "No," according to the City Board's unofficial tally (not including 75,000 absentee ballots). The Civil Court amendment has 78% supporting it and 22% opposing. Same-day voter registration is up 59% of New York City voters compared to the 41% opposing it. No-excuse absentee voting, similarly, saw support from 60% of city voters and opposition from 40% thus far. The redistricting amendment was supported by 61% of city voters and opposed by 39% of those counted.

But, many tens of thousands of New York City voters did not vote yes or no on the ballot proposals, leaving them blank. For example, in the Bronx, 26.4% of voters left blank the redistricting question, Question 1. In Brooklyn, over 29% of voters, almost 94,000, left Question 1 blank.

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