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De Blasio & Albanese Argue Through Second of Two Primary Debates


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Bill de Blasio, left, & Sal Albanese


The second and final Democratic mayoral primary debate on Wednesday was a frenetic hour-long affair in which Mayor Bill de Blasio spent much of his time on the defensive, facing probing questions from debate moderators and tough criticism from his opponent, Sal Albanese. At the same time, Albanese appeared to come up short yet again in terms of clearly articulating a vision for a mayoralty beyond tearing down many of de Blasio’s current policies.

Right off the bat, de Blasio was challenged on allegations of pay-to-play that have plagued his term and was asked if he believed the public had the right to know about donors who request favors from the mayor. Falling back on his oft-stated defense, the mayor maintained that his administration had acted legally, and ethically, and that his reliance on donors is necessitated by the political reality of election financing.

“I’m very proud of what we’ve achieved in this administration, I’m proud of the ethical standards that we’ve set and kept to throughout,” de Blasio said, insisting that the scrutiny of his administration by state and federal prosecutors, who closed their investigations without filing any charges, had clarified that his conduct was lawful. “I’m very satisfied with the way I handled things,” he said.

The question allowed Albanese an opening to attack the mayor early. “I think the people of the City of New York want integrity in government...we need a higher standard for mayor than not being indicted,” he said, repeating a line he has used often during the race ahead of Tuesday’s primary vote. He would later come back to the mayor’s ethics, referring to de Blasio’s recent column on Medium that purports to show that donors to his campaign did not receive favorable treatment from his administration. The column, which de Blasio promised to publish before primary day at the first debate, was far from what the mayor had pledged well over a year ago, and de Blasio himself expressed regret earlier this week about the promise he had made to present “a whole lot of evidence” where donors did not get what they wanted from his administration.

The debate was held at the CUNY Graduate Center and aired by sponors CBS-2 television and 1010 Wins and CBS 880 radio; it was also sponsored by the New York Daily News, Common Cause New York, and the New York Immigration Coalition. It was the second of two official Campaign Finance Board-sanctioned mayoral primary debates. There are no other citywide primary debates, with not enough competition for any of the Republican citywide nominations or for the Democratic nominations for Comptroller or Public Advocate, where the two incumbents are set to cruise into the general election.

Albanese, who finds himself running for mayor a third time this year and will appear on the general election ballot on the Reform Party line no matter the outcome of the Democratic primary, provided a few alternatives about how he would run the city. He promised to abandon the current administration’s housing and neighborhood rezoning policies, which he said have been an “unmitigated disaster.” He critiqued the city for overspending on the Renewal Schools program and the “politically massaged” school results delivered by the administration, noting that a high percentage of high school graduates are not ready for college coursework. And he pledged to restore respect for the NYPD, which he said had been missing under de Blasio.

De Blasio, in response, repeatedly challenged his opponent’s “mistruths” and fell back on consistent talking points that he has relied on throughout his campaign. He bluntly stated that issues such as homelessness, affordable housing, and education would be long and tough battles, but insisted that his administration is on the right path and has made significant progress in his first term, progress that he would build on if reelected. The mayor cited investments into the NYPD and delicately answered a question about how he would talk to his son, Dante, about interacting with the police.

It was a frenetic debate, with moderators often interjecting with follow-up or clarifying questions and the two candidates regularly sparring. Topics meandered from citywide issues to more parochial ones, and there was often little that separated de Blasio’s positions from Albanese’s. For instance, the two largely agree on quality-of-life policing, on greater enforcement of fines for unauthorized or dangerous construction, and on building street infrastructure to prevent vehicle-involved terror attacks.

But, they sharply disagreed on other issues.

Albanese critiqued the mayor for constantly antagonizing President Donald Trump and insisted that the Mayor of New York needs to work closely with federal agencies, even as he said that he opposed Trump’s “abhorrent” policies. Albanese supports a proposed congestion pricing initiative, known as Move New York, to impose tolls on the three East River bridges to help fund the subways; while de Blasio called congestion pricing a “regressive tax” and stressed that his proposal for a millionaire’s tax to fund subway repairs was a more viable alternative, even though his proposal has largely been shot down by the GOP-controlled state Senate and de Blasio sees it passing only once Democrats take control of that house of the Legislature in January 2019, which de Blasio said was soon.

Albanese supports legalizing recreational marijuana but the mayor does not, instead saying he wants to continue to see how it goes in other locales. And Albanese is in favor of retaining the statue of Christopher Columbus at Columbus Circle, an issue the mayor did not personally take a stand on; de Blasio instead insisted on “objective” standards for monuments and statues and possible “symbols of hate” on public property in the city, which will be decided by a commission he will soon convene, announced in the aftermath of the violence in Charlottesville last month where Confederate monuments were a focus.

Albanese concluded the debate as he began it, emphasizing his background as an immigrant, a graduate of the public school system and CUNY, a former teacher and City Council Member, and a lawyer who worked in finance. “Those experiences qualify me for the best job in America, which is being Mayor of New York City,” he said.

De Blasio, in conclusion, relayed his simple campaign slogan. “This is your city,” he said. “That’s my message to all New Yorkers, it has to work for you.” He pledged a continued fight for New Yorkers on equity and affordability if reelected.

The primary election is on Tuesday, September 12.

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by Samar Khurshid, senior reporter, Gotham Gazette
     

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Candidate Endorsements in the 2017 City Elections


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Mayor de Blasio is endorsed by 32BJ SEIU (photo: Ben Max/Gotham Gazette)


Do endorsements matter in elections? In short, yes. How much they matter depends on who is endorsing whom, amid many factors. As candidates run for office they almost always seek as many endorsements as they can get from elected officials, labor unions, newspaper editorial boards, political clubs, advocacy groups, and others. These endorsements can help give candidates more caché -- something to boast about as they seek other endorsements or votes or funds -- and can lead to important help with leafletting, door-knocking, and getting out the vote.

Labor unions are often seen as especially important in the endorsements game in New York City given their membership numbers, political operations, and, crucially, their voter turnout proficiency. In New York's low turnout elections, labor unions, by virtue of getting their members out to vote, not to mention influencing other voters, can be critical.

In New York City, endorsements are often tied to appearances in front of a group of decision-makers, whether the members of the New York Times editorial board or the executive committee of the United Federation of Teachers, the teachers union, or the full membership of the New Kings Democrats, a Brooklyn reform-minded political club. Endorsements are often influenced, if not dictated, by other relationships and power structures, such as the county party apparatuses, connected political consultants, government action or power, and more.

During the crowded Democratic primary for Mayor in 2013, labor unions, political clubs, and others were largely split among leading candidates Christine Quinn, Bill Thompson, Bill de Blasio, and John Liu. De Blasio won the primary with limited "institutional support" as these endorsements are often called. There were also some splits in other contentious and competitive 2013 primaries, like the one for Manhattan Borough President and a variety of "open" City Council seats. Scott Stringer may have prevailed over former Governor Eliot Spitzer in a close primary for Comptroller due to the institutional endorsements he received that helped him earn and whip votes.

This year, 2017, incumbent Mayor Bill de Blasio has secured the lion's share of labor union and other endorsements as he again seeks the Democratic nomination and eyes a second term. De Blasio began rolling out union endorsements early in the race, in an apparent effort to discourage some of his potential Democratic rivals from jumping into the race. De Blasio was also recently endorsed in the primary by The New York Times editorial board, which, while of interest to the political class of the city, may not have much sway with that many voters. What has more sway are the many union, elected official, and political club endorsements that have gone to de Blasio. 

Along with the mayoral race, there is a very competitive Brooklyn District Attorney primary, where acting DA Eric Gonzalez has picked up most of the endorsements. In the City Council, there are 10 "open" seats this cycle where the incumbent is not seeking reelection due to term limits or other factors. There are also another roughly 10 competitive Council races where the incumbent is being challenged. In these roughly 20 City Council races, the endorsements competition has been fast and furious as candidates seek support leading to the September 12 primary vote, which in almost every race is determinative given the city's distinct Democratic tilt.

At Gotham Gazette, we've been tracking endorsements across all the races of this city election cycle. You can see them all here in the spreadsheet we've created.

[Did we miss something? Email editor Ben Max at This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.]

If you want to revisit the endorsements of the 2013 primaries, you can use the spreadsheet here, which was compiled by the team at DecideNYC.com.

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by Ben Max, Gotham Gazette
     

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with reporting by Ben Brachfeld

Forecasting the Upcoming City Council Gender Imbalance


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CMs Chin, left; Rose, center; & Rosenthal, center right (photo: Gotham Gazette)


There are currently only 13 women in the 51-seat New York City Council, a troubling 25 percent. The number is down from 18 women in the Council a few years ago. With the city’s quadrennial elections upon us, a new Council class will be inaugurated in January, with the September 12 primaries largely determining who will fill the city’s legislative body for the next four years in this very Democratic city.

Most would agree that gender balance in the City Council improves the legislative, oversight, and constituent services provided to the public. The dynamics of this year’s elections are not promising for improving the Council gender balance: five of the Council’s 13 women are not running for reelection, four of them due to term limits. Notably, all five are women of color: Rosie Mendez, Melissa Mark-Viverito, Annabel Palma, and Darlene Mealy are all term-limited and Julissa Ferreras-Copeland has decided not to seek reelection.

Ferreras-Copeland is certain to be replaced by a man, as the race to replace her is between two men; while the other four could be as well, though there are women running competitively for each seat.

There are five other “open” seats this cycle where the incumbent male Council member is not running for reelection, in three cases -- Dan Garodnick, James Vacca and Vincent Gentile -- due to term limits. While Gentile is almost certain to be replaced by a man, for Garodnick’s seat and Vacca’s seat there are competitive races that include female candidates with a solid shot at victory. The fourth case is David Greenfield, who will be replaced by one of the two men seeking his seat. And the fifth case is Ruben Wills, removed from office after a recent corruption conviction, who is likely to be replaced by a woman, Adrienne Adams, the favorite in the race.

Additionally, there are a handful of incumbent female Council members being challenged by men in their reelection bids and two incumbent male Council members facing significant challenges by female candidates.

All told, the number of women in the Council could realistically dip as low as six. It could realistically increase to as many as 16. Both extremes are unlikely, but plausible.

The City Council’s Women’s Caucus, which is chaired by Council Members Helen Rosenthal and Laurie Cumbo, each of whom is facing a tough primary challenge this year (Rosenthal from a transgender man, Cumbo from a woman), recently released a report on the gender imbalance in the Council. It notes barriers to office-seeking for women, especially “structural barriers and issues of perception” that “create a “political ambition gap.””

“Traditional gender roles force women to choose between careers and family, limiting the potential pool of female candidates,” the report states. “Electoral gatekeepers then fail to reach out to and support women. Women also underestimate their own qualifications and overestimate the challenges they will face in electoral politics.”

The report recommends “more aggressive recruitment of female candidates and stronger mentoring efforts.” (It notes that the number of women in the Council “is projected to decrease even further, to as low as 9 for the upcoming term ending in 2021.” The problem is even more potentially dire than the report indicates. It appears its authors did not consider Ferreras-Copeland’s departure or that incumbent female members could be ousted by male challengers.)

The current City Council Speaker, the aforementioned Melissa Mark-Viverito, previously helped launch a nonprofit, 21 in 21, which seeks the election of 21 women to the City Council through the 2021 city election cycle. Due to the tinkering done to term limits by former Mayor Michael Bloomberg and the City Council, there will be more than 30 “open” seats in the 2021 cycle, making for a lot of opportunity to address the Council gender balance.

But there are also opportunities this year, and little seems to be in motion in terms of major collective efforts by the Democratic establishment to see more women elected through the 2017 voting cycle (48 of the 51 Council members elected in 2013 are Democrats).

Mark-Viverito is doing a great deal to see her preferred successor, Diana Ayala, defeat Assemblymember Robert Rodriguez in one of the races to replace a female Council member that could go either way. Given his status as an elected official, Rodriguez is at least a slight favorite in this race to represent East Harlem and parts of the South Bronx.

For Mendez’s seat, which represents parts of the Lower East Side, her preferred successor is Carlina Rivera, who has received a good deal of establishment support and is considered the favorite, though she has tough competition from Mary Silver and Ronnie Cho.

Alicka Ampry-Samuel has a lot of establishment support to keep Mealy’s central Brooklyn seat represented by a woman. But, she is in a tough race with several male candidates, most notably Henry Butler and Cory Provost.

For Garodnick’s East Side seat, a very crowded primary includes several strong female candidates. The favorite in the race, however, is Keith Powers. Still, Marti Speranza could quite plausibly prevail, which would flip this seat from male to female. Bessie Schachter, Vanessa Aronson, Rachel Honig, and Maria Castro are also running, with varying less likely paths to victory. Garodnick has not endorsed in the race. Of the unions, elected officials, political clubs, newspaper editorial boards, and others that have, Powers and Speranza have each received a lot of support.

For Vacca’s seat in the Bronx, he is backing Marjorie Velazquez, but she is facing a significantly uphill race against sitting Assemblymember Mark Gjonaj. There’s been no groundswell behind Velazquez.

There’s a similar situation for Palma’s Bronx seat: Amanda Farias is a strong candidate, but she is likely to lose to State Senator Ruben Diaz Sr. and little seems to be happening to rally behind her candidacy.

The Queens establishment and other members of the Democratic political elite are behind Adrienne Adams for Ruben Wills’ empty seat. But, Rich David is also running and could pull off an upset.

As previously stated, Ferreras-Copeland will be replaced by a man, either Assemblymember Francisco Moya or former State Senator Hiram Monserrate, who has been convicted for both assaulting his girlfriend and illegal use of city money. Greenfield will be replaced by either his preferred successor, Kalman Yeger, or by Yoni Hikind, both men. And the crowded competition for Gentile’s seat is almost all men, including the most likely winners, led by Justin Brannan (this Southern Brooklyn race is actually one where a Republican could win the seat, though Brannan, a Democrat, is generally seen as having the upper hand, both in a tough primary and the eventual competitive general).

There are also competitive incumbent primaries where the Council gender balance is at play. As mentioned, Rosenthal is facing a tough primary, from Mel Wymore, on the Upper West Side, though Rosenthal is likely to prevail. Wymore is seeking to become the first transgender member of the City Council, and has not lived what we may think of as a typical male life. Council Members Margaret Chin in downtown Manhattan and Elizabeth Crowley in Queens are also facing competitive challenges from male candidates, though both are favored to be reelected.

The female incumbents either certain or nearly sure to win reelection are Vanessa Gibson, Inez Barron, and Karen Koslowitz. As mentioned, Laurie Cumbo could lose to another woman, Ede Fox, though Cumbo has significant advantages of incumbency. And, Council Member Debi Rose, of Staten Island, is facing a tough challenge from another woman, Kamillah Hanks.

In the other direction, Council Member Peter Koo is facing a tough challenge from Alison Tan, and Council Member Mathieu Eugene is facing formidable opposition from Pia Raymond, a woman, as well as from Brian Cunningham.

We’ll know a lot more on Tuesday night when the primary results come in.

In its report, the Women’s Caucus explains why it is important to elect more women and have gender balance in government. It says, in part:

“Women legislators bring with them lived experiences and crucial viewpoints that allow them to identify and take on the unique challenges that women face. As a result, women legislators have been shown to introduce more legislation directly affecting women, children, and families. Additionally, women have been shown to introduce more legislation overall, and are also more likely to work across party lines.”

One of the “strategies for the future” that the report identifies is: “Party leaders, advocacy organizations, and other political groups also need to make an active effort to reach out to individual women about running for seats. The women in City Council should make an effort to encourage politically active women in their circles to run for of×ce, as current or former Council Members have a unique ability to address many of the factors that discourage women from running.”

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by Ben Max, Gotham Gazette
     

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