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After The Blackout - Going Back To The Experts


 

Three days after we first posted our article ("Studying How To Avoid Blackouts") about the effort Con Edison was making to avoid blackouts in New York, New Yorkers were among the victims of the largest blackout in the nation's history - and it had nothing to do with the research Con Edison was conducting.

At its new center in the Bronx, as the article explains, Con Edison is doing research intended to help prevent localized power outages, like the one in Upper Manhattan in 1999, which was caused by a cable failure in Con Edison's local distribution network.

The power outage on Thursday, August 14, was of another scale and magnitude altogether -- and demonstrated just how vulnerable local utilities, including Con Edison, are to the collapse of regional transmission systems. The blackout swept across eight states and parts of Canada and the Midwest within seconds -- even though steps taken after the blackout of 1965 were meant to safeguard against just such an event.

"What happened on Thursday was beyond Con Edison's territory," said Con Edison spokesperson Chris Olert by e-mail. "One of the reasons Con Edison shut down was because generators shut down: Without the power, Con Edison has nothing to distribute to customers."

Following the deregulation of the industry in the 1990s, Con Edison no longer generates power, but is responsible only for distributing it throughout New York City and parts of Westchester. According to Con Edison, there was no damage to its system, which shut down automatically as it was designed to do to prevent overloading.

"For some reason, some transmission lines got overloaded, and they tripped out. And for some reason, the outage was not contained to an area where it should have been contained, and that's part of a whole investigation as to why did that happen." said Luther Dow, director of Power Delivery and Markets at the Electric Power Research Institute when contacted again three days after the blackout.

While the exact cause of the massive power outage is not clear as of this writing, early inquiries suggest three failed transmission lines in Ohio may have triggered a domino effect which left some 50 million people without power. According to the North American Electric Reliability Council, a massive power swing just before the lights went out at 4:11PM that afternoon may have caused generators throughout the region to automatically shutdown -- including the power plants that supply Con Edison.

In the original story, we noted that industry rating groups say Con Edison's system is the most reliable in the country. "Because of the way the system is laid out and the maintenance, it is by far the most reliable system. No one even comes close to them," Walter Zinger, an electrical engineer with the Electric Power Research Institute told us. And, Mayor Bloomberg defended the utility's handling of the outage in a press conference Friday. "I think [Con Edison] actually did a good job. I am sure they could have done some things better," he said. According to the mayor, the utility was delayed in bringing the system back on line by problems with other utilities upstate.

Maybe so, but Con Edison's system was affected along with the rest of the region. And city and state officials, including Bloomberg, are demanding an investigation into what caused August 14th's cascading failures. Weren't steps taken after 1965 to prevent local outages from affecting the entire region? What safeguards were in place to protect the city and state from regional power failures, they and others want to know, and why did they fail?

"We have to take a look and see why a problem someplace outside of this part of the power grid caused so much chaos within it. It wasn't supposed to happen," said the mayor.

CRITICAL PRESCIENCE?

"I think Con Ed is sitting in this category of utilities that have been disinvesting in both the physical infrastructure and the human infrastructure with regards to transmission," State Assembly Representative Paul Tonko told us when we first reported this story. Concerned about bottlenecks in the regional system, he and Jason K. Babbie, a policy analyst with the New York Public Interest Research Group, urged Con Edison to look at new and more efficient transmission technology, including super conductivity cables, to open up the city's power market and keep costs down. How prescient they were, though not necessarily for the right reasons.

In the original story, we also cited a study released by the New York State Energy Planning Board in 2000 found that capital investments in the power transmission system declined dramatically from 1988 to 1998 (from $304.4 million in constant 1998 dollars to just $90 million), but that reliability appeared to be unaffected.

"All the analyses performed lead to the conclusion that New York State's transmission system has operated in a highly reliable manner. Further, New York's bulk transmission system is improving in its ability to weather severe disturbances," the report read.

"That was a troublesome notion back then, and it is now. It's taken on new relevance with all that's happened here," said Tonko when we talked to him again after the blackout. "I am of the belief that no major investment has been made on the transmission side in the private sector since the 1960's, and in the public sector since the 1970's. But demand has grown tremendously, and we've been putting an overwhelming strain on the system."

Tonko also worries that, following deregulation, responsibility for maintaining the state's transmission system and putting in place safeguards that might prevent failures in one part of the grid from affecting other parts of the grid is not clearly defined.

Con Edison says it is responsible for maintaining the high-voltage transmission lines it owns (as well as the local low-voltage cables we discussed). But according to Con Edison spokesperson D. Joy Farber, the New York Independent System Operator, which was formed in 1998 to manage the market for electricity in New York State after the industry was deregulated, is responsible for maintaining the state's transmission system as a whole.

Now Tonko's longtime call to invest in the nation's power transmission system is being echoed from officials at all levels. Speaking in California, President George W. Bush called the blackout "a wake-up call," and said the nation's electrical grid must be upgraded. Mayor Bloomberg has also called for investment in new transmission lines.

"Nobody wants to have a power line going through their backyard, but we have to face the issue that if you want to have electricity-and we really have no choice, we have to have electricity, our society depends on large amounts of electricity and it has to be reliable-that means building power plants, upgrading power plants and building transmission lines," the mayor said over the weekend.

As for the cable center, although Thursday's blackout is unrelated to the more locally-oriented, low-voltage research Con Edison is conducting in partnership with the Electric Power Research Institute in the Bronx, Dow said the institute was in the process of forming a similar center to study transmission cables which would be based at its facilities in Lenox, Massachusetts. Its researchers have helped scrutinize data after major power failures in the past, and he said, would do so again if called on.

"There are hundreds of thousands if not millions of pieces of data that are going to have to be analyzed to put together the whole problem," Dow said, "and so that's what the industry will be doing over the next few days."

Executive Order 34 Revisited


Zhang Kui, an immigrant from Fujian, China, was asked to assist a New York City Police murder investigation in the Fifth Precinct in Chinatown. According to a report by the Chinese newspaper Singtao Daily, the police later found that Zhang is an undocumented immigrant and reported him to the federal immigrant agency, where he is now facing deportation.

Stories such as Zhang's are causing concern among immigrant rights groups who worry that Mayor Michael Bloomberg's executive order 34, which allows police, city agencies and services to ask people about their immigration status and then report them to the federal authority, will disrupt the lives of more than 400,000 undocumented immigrants in New York City.

Within days of the announcement, groups of immigrant advocacy groups and some public officials took to the streets to protest. Facing so much opposition, Mayor Bloomberg said in July that he is considering changing the order.

"Although the mayor believes on the merits it is a good order, he is considering revising it because of the harm its misconceptions have cause," said Edward Skyler, the mayor's press secretary. While the mayor is revising his new policy, some fear immigrants will continue shunning city services and refusing to cooperate with the police.

"[The new order] will radically change the city's relationship to its millions of immigrant residents," Moises Perez, executive director of Alianza Dominicana, who was in the protest at City Hall, told the Daily News.

In the past, an executive order issued by Mayor Edward Koch barred city employees from reporting undocumented aliens to immigration authorities. But in 1996, Congress passed a law stating that the city cannot forbid their employees from sharing information about an undocumented immigrant to federal agents.

Mayor Rudolph Giuliani refused to comply with the law and challenged its legality. In 1999, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the second circuit ruled that Koch's executive order was unconstitutional.

After the September 11 attack, the federal government encouraged local police to work with immigration agencies and allowed them to inquire about the immigration status of suspects. Under the new executive order, police can now report illegal immigrants to the Bureau of Immigration and Customs Enforcement

Since the court ruling, city officials have not clarified their policy toward undocumented immigrants. A few weeks before issuing the order, Mayor Bloomberg himself said on his weekly radio show that all undocumented immigrants should be made citizens.

The timing of the new executive order has to do with pressure from Washington to clarify the city's position on reporting illegal immigrants, according to a Daily News report.

As reported in this column two months ago, the City Council is now sponsoring a bill (Intro 326), "Access Without Fear" that would allow immigrants to get access to the city's health and social services without having to worry abut their status.

"In a city that is 40 percent foreign-born, it is essential that [immigrant] communities don't fear accessing city services," said City Councilmember Hiram Monserrate, who is the main sponsor of the bill.

An immigrant from Bangkok, Thailand, Chaleampon Ritthichai is the editor of The Citizen.

City Council Campaign 2003


TEN RACES TO WATCH

Normally, few would have taken notice of the routine summer meeting about to begin on the City Council side of City Hall last Wednesday. Little girls in sashes and tiaras, veterans of the Bronx Puerto Rican Day Parade, were posing with plaques near the podium up front, one of several picture-ready ceremonies before the 51 members of the City Council took up the serious business of the day, the highlight of which was going to be a vote to approve the construction of 20 public toilets.

But then Othniel Askew shot and killed Brooklyn Councilmember James E. Davis, the first murder ever to take place inside City Hall. The murder brought national attention to the often overlooked branch of city government just months before all the council members must run for re-election.

It is a good bet that even most New Yorkers did not know that there were any political races coming up. But Othniel Askew certainly knew. He had hoped to run against Davis, and claimed he had collected enough signatures to make it onto the ballot, but told reporters he narrowly missed the deadline for filing the signatures with the Board of Elections.

As police continue to investigate the bizarre circumstances of this sensational crime, it is unclear whether (and, at this point, unlikely that) the murder will have anywhere near the same impact as the assassination in July 1881 of President James Garfield by a person always described as a “disappointed office seeker” -- which led to a complete rethinking of the process of staffing the federal government.

There are plenty of critics of the election system in the city who believe it needs to be rethought, and not because of violence -- although violence in city politics certainly exists. In 2001, a council candidate’s headquarters was set on fire and in another incident police had to break up a shoving match between rival campaign workers. Just two days after Davis was shot, a campaign worker for a challenger was arrested for threatening Queens Councilmember Hiram Monserrate.

But candidates are far more routinely battered by the frustration of simply trying to get onto the ballot, especially if they are challengers to an incumbent. Every campaign season, candidates go to court to knock one another off the ballot, with the most powerful and wealthy candidates backed by a team of lawyers. The Davis campaign, for example, though suddenly without a candidate, continued to challenge the signatures of a candidate for the seat, Anthony Herbert.

The race to succeed Davis is one of just 51 this fall, when across the city, some 165 people will be running for seats now largely occupied by one-term incumbents. The race in district 35, James E. Davis’s old seat, will certainly be the most watched campaign of the year (See article). But there are at least nine more races in which, political observers say, the outcome is not at the moment a foregone conclusion.

Some races to watch this fall are rematches of 2001, when the difference between the winner and loser was just a few dozen votes.

In the north Bronx, Shirley Saunders, who lost to Larry Seabrook by just 103 votes in 2001, is running again and challenging the record of the incumbent. “I think people have seen Larry Seabrook more over the last three months [campaigning] than they have in all of sixteen years,” said Saunders.

In other races, the incumbents have spurred the opposition by their personalities or actions.

Queens Councilmember Allan Jennings has earned a reputation as one of the most unpredictable members of the council, in the last two years comparing himself to Jesus Christ, placing newspaper ads pledging his love for a Chinese folk dancer, and calling Mayor Bloomberg a “dictator.” Jennings, who did not get the endorsement of the Queens Democratic party is facing five challengers this fall, but says he is not concerned: “I am still going to win."

And some races - although they have a personal and political component - are centered on issues that affect New Yorkers’ lives.

Cypress Hills, Brooklyn, for example, has the highest rates of childhood lead poisoning in the city and incumbent Councilmember Erik Dilan is one of just a few in the council who has not sponsored legislation to require landlords to clean up lead dust. His challenger, Nellie Santiago, says if she is elected she will work to get the bill passed.

Just how the murder of Councilmember James Davis will change this campaign season is yet to be seen.
Some say that the violent attack in the chambers of the City Council is bound to affect the candidates and their strategies. “Events like this make us feel vulnerable and distrustful, both for candidates and the citizenry,” said Scott Levenson, a political consultant.

But others say that unlike the terrorist attacks of September 11, which postponed - and overshadowed - Primary Day in 2001, this tragedy will not radically alter the political process. “In 2001, the very act of campaigning could be viewed as taking advantage of a tragedy,” said political science professor Douglas Muzzio. “This is a totally different set of circumstances. These candidates will run all out, full out.”

TEN RACES TO WATCH

The following are summaries of articles about ten races. The links take you to a district homepage on our Community Gazettes. Then click on the "Campaign 2003" button to take you to that district's campaign page.

District 10 - Washington Heights, Inwood
In an area of the city where rents are rising and affordable housing is scarce, three Democrats and a Republican are challenging incumbent Councilmember Miguel Martinez.

District 12 - Co-Op City, Baychester, Wakefield, Eastchester
A third of the population of district 12 and two Democratic rivals live in Co-op City, which represents the bulk of voters and the area’s major issues. Shirley Saunders, who only lost by 103 votes in 2001, is again challenging incumbent Councilmember Larry Seabrook.

District 18 - Parkchester, Castle Hill, Soundview
In the latest chapter in a long political rivalry in the Bronx, incumbent Councilmember Pedro Espada Jr. has dropped out of the race and handed his seat to his son Pedro G. Espada. A new challenger, backed by the Bronx Democratic Party, is hoping she can win.

District 27 - St. Albans, Hollis, Cambria Heights
The quiet middle-class neighborhoods of district 27 in Queens are home to much of borough’s trash. Garbage dumps - and what should be done about them - are a major campaign issue in this district where the challengers say the incumbent spends too much time at City Hall.

District 28 - Richmond Hill, Rochdale Village, South Jamaica
Councilmember Allan Jennings has earned the reputation as one of the most unpredictable members of the City Council. Five challengers and the Queens Democratic party are hoping to unseat him.

District 34 - Williamsburg, Bushwick, Ridgewood
The face of Brooklyn is changing as the waterfront is developed and trendy neighborhoods spring up. But the council member who represents district 34 will also have to listen to the concerns of residents of Queens, now that redistricting has changed the political boundaries of this area.

District 35 - Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, Prospect Heights
Councilmember James E. Davis was shot dead by a political rival. This fall, residents will now have to choose someone to fill the vacant seat.

District 37 - Cypress Hills, Wyckoff Heights, Bushwick
This district has the highest incidents of childhood lead poisoning in the city, and the race centers on legislation to create tougher lead paint laws. The incumbent does not support it; the challenger does.

District 43 - Bay Ridge, Dyker Heights, Bensonhurst
Taxes matter a lot in this area, which is one of the few parts of the city ever to elect a Republican to the City Council. A Democratic incumbent, who has voted to raise several taxes since taking office in the spring, is hoping he can hang on to his seat.

District 45 - East Flatbush, Flatlands
A nondescript building in East Flatbush could determine the political future of City Councilmember Kendall Stewart. He owns the building and blamed recent violations on his tenants. His challengers say he is not serving the community.



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