Gotham Gazette

The Place for New York Policy and politics

Open Government

Open Government

The Mayor Offers a Barrage of Numbers


With little fanfare, Mayor Michael Bloomberg last month released the 2007 Mayor’s Management Report, or MMR. This twice-a-year, City Charter-mandated report, according to the mayor, serves “the goals of transparency and accountability, which are the hallmarks of this administration.” A review of indicators for two high-priority agencies suggests, however, that there is a disconnect between transparency and true accountability in the MMR.

A reader can learn a lot about the city and city government in the report’s 202 pages of mayoral goals, objectives and performance statistics. Take the first statistic: Fewer New Yorkers smoked in 2006 -- 17.5 percent, four percentage points lower than in 2002. Or take the last one: Only 42.9 percent of instructional hours in City University of New York senior colleges were taught by full-time faculty in 2007, compared to 48.7 percent in 2003.

Interesting, but what happened over those four years in each case? Who is accountable? Who gets credit for less smoking? Who gets credit (blame?) for dramatically increasing the use of part-time faculty at CUNY? The report raises hundreds of such provocative questions, but provides few answers.

Statistical Overload

The 2007 MMR prefers hundreds of statistics to any real analyses of management issues, such as organizational initiatives, customer relations, cost/benefit analyses, unintended consequences and shifting social/economic conditions.

The news release accompanying the MMR points to “continued success in the amount, timeliness and quality of services provided to citizens during the most recent year and over a five-year period.” The release then jumps to five pages of 64 dense statistical bullets, under six very broad headings (Public Safety to Economy and Business Affairs). This barrage of numbers may explain why the press has increasingly ignored the report or simply echoed the press release on it.

Grading Education

A look at how the MMR deals with education and homelessness illustrates the strengths and weaknesses of the report as currently designed. In education, Bloomberg has made dramatic changes in the city schools. He took control of the management of schools from the independent Board of Education, which oversaw a partially decentralized system, and essentially eliminated the function of 32 community school boards.

Bloomberg and schools Chancellor Joel Klein centralized management and set up a new regional district plan in 2003. In 2007 they made another substantial change. Central management has shifted from regional controls to making individual principals much more accountable for education management.

Such management shifts cry out for discussion, but all the Mayor’s Management Report provides are statistics. Interestingly, in light of the new emphasis on principal accountability, the one principal indicator in the report shows that only 53.5 percent of principals in 2007 have more than three years of experience, down from 62.5 percent in 2003.

The “performance statistics” are meant to measure how well the new education department, to quote its one-sentence mission statement, “prepares students to meet grade level standards in reading, writing and math, and prepares high school students to pass Regents exams and to meet graduation requirements.”

This rather narrow definition of education success is accompanied by 97 indicators. But, oddly enough, there are no grade level standards for reading, writing and math. There are a few aggregate statistics for grades three to eight in “English Language Arts” and math (scores are up and down over the past two years, but positive over the past year) but no results for individual grade. (A note at the end of the education section says grade level results are “subject to a reporting lag” and will be registered in later reports.)

Similarly, there are no results for Regents exams in the 2006-2007 school year. There are, however, results in two general categories for the Regents exams in school years 2002-2003 through 2005-2006: The percentage of students in graduating classes with a 65 to 100 passing score in English in the 2005-2006 school year was 62.9 percent, much lower than the 69.2 percent passing score in the 2003-2004 year. In math, 62.3 percent of the students passed score in 2005-2006, better than the 56.4 percent in 2003-2004, but lower than the 65.7 percent in 2004-2005.

In other Regents exams -– U.S. history and government, global history and science (the report apparently treats all the Regents in the various sciences together) -- results in 2005-2006 were lower than in the 2003-2004 school year. In a second category – the percentage of students in graduating classes with a 55 to 100 passing score on the same exams scores – about 80 percent of the students met the standard, more than in the 2002-2003 school year. The number of students in the 55 to 100 score category in math and English also increased over the four years.

The news is better with graduation rates. The four-year graduation rate for general education students rose from 53.4 percent in the 2002-2003 school year to 59.7 percent in 2005-2006. The percentage of students who graduated within seven years rose slightly, from 68.6 percent to 69.5 percent.

Those few indicators – by themselves -- don’t permit much of a judgment about the success of the Department of Education’s mission. And, there’s not much else of use among the 97 indicators. The role of parents, for instance, is poorly documented: Five indicators address “parent involvement,” but there are no measurements of parent satisfaction (or dissatisfaction) with the schools.

The fact that parent coordinators in the schools – a Klein initiative

--fielded some 1.35 million phone calls is interesting. (There were over 14 million calls to the city’s non-emergency 311 hotline in 2007!) But were the parent calls complaints, requests for information or to ask for appointments? What do coordinators do with the calls? On another measure, what does it mean that the number of parent-teacher conferences has decreased?

Sobering Statistics for Homeless Services

The Department of Homeless Services raises different questions about management, since the bulk of its services are privately provided. Some $536 million of the department’s $735 million budget in 2007 was contracted out to 205 privately run shelter facilities for single adults and families. (Only 11 facilities are run by the city.)

According to the Mayor’s Management Report, the department “prevents homelessness and provides temporary emergency shelter for homeless people in a safe, supportive environment.” The link between mission and performance indicators is easier to document than in education.

And the statistics on prevention are sobering: In 2007, 10,165 homeless families entered the city’s shelter system, up 13 percent from 2003. The largest increase occurred in the past two years. The number of single adults entering the system in 2007 was 21,897, an increase of nearly 5 percent from 2003.

Further, the report acknowledges that the influx of new homeless families has hampered the city’s plan to place them in shelters according to their youngest child’s school address – the number of such placements actually dropped from 2006 to 2007.

The increase in homeless families has been matched in part by a rise in the number of families placed into permanent housing -- 5,654 in 2007 compared with 5,083 in 2003. But because the supply of suitable housing lags the need, the average length of stay for families in shelters increased from 303 days in 2003 to 325 days in 2007.

The performance results here clearly show that things have gotten worse. Despite that, the report offers no discussion of how earlier management initiatives did or did not affect these results. As with education, on homelessness, the administration already is on to its next initiative, in this case, “Advantage New York,” described very briefly as a “multi-faceted program, not only helping families to secure permanent housing, but also offering financial and legal counseling, savings incentives and aftercare services.”

Searching for Accountability

The graduation rates and homeless shelter statistics in the Mayor’s Management Report are excellent indicators of social needs. Such information, especially with the five-year data introduced by the mayor, provides a good basis to measure performance.

But New Yorkers we cannot measure management accountability without a better connection in the MMR between strategies and outcomes, between dollars spent and results produced. The technical introduction to the 2007 MMR claims that about 25 percent of the nearly 1,000 agency performance measures “reflect final outcomes,” while “40 percent relate to timeliness, quality or efficiency.”

That might be true. But there has to be more explanation. To take one more example from the report -- the cost per day for each family in a city-funded shelter is $95, up from $84 a day in 2003. Is that an “outcome” or a measure of “quality or efficiency”? Is it a positive result?

The Independent Budget Office in its fiscal year 2006 and 2007 programmatic analyses of city budget documents showed the usefulness of matching specific program information and specific program dollars with a greater variety of performance indicators. The MMR, useful as it is in some ways, continues the disconnect between dollars and management on one hand and performance results on the other. 

The Mayor Offers a Barrage of Numbers


With little fanfare, Mayor Michael Bloomberg last month released the 2007 Mayor’s Management Report, or MMR. This twice-a-year, City Charter-mandated report, according to the mayor, serves “the goals of transparency and accountability, which are the hallmarks of this administration.” A review of indicators for two high-priority agencies suggests, however, that there is a disconnect between transparency and true accountability in the MMR.

A reader can learn a lot about the city and city government in the report’s 202 pages of mayoral goals, objectives and performance statistics. Take the first statistic: Fewer New Yorkers smoked in 2006 -- 17.5 percent, four percentage points lower than in 2002. Or take the last one: Only 42.9 percent of instructional hours in City University of New York senior colleges were taught by full-time faculty in 2007, compared to 48.7 percent in 2003.

Interesting, but what happened over those four years in each case? Who is accountable? Who gets credit for less smoking? Who gets credit (blame?) for dramatically increasing the use of part-time faculty at CUNY? The report raises hundreds of such provocative questions, but provides few answers.

Statistical Overload

The 2007 MMR prefers hundreds of statistics to any real analyses of management issues, such as organizational initiatives, customer relations, cost/benefit analyses, unintended consequences and shifting social/economic conditions.

The news release accompanying the MMR points to “continued success in the amount, timeliness and quality of services provided to citizens during the most recent year and over a five-year period.” The release then jumps to five pages of 64 dense statistical bullets, under six very broad headings (Public Safety to Economy and Business Affairs). This barrage of numbers may explain why the press has increasingly ignored the report or simply echoed the press release on it.

Grading Education

A look at how the MMR deals with education and homelessness illustrates the strengths and weaknesses of the report as currently designed. In education, Bloomberg has made dramatic changes in the city schools. He took control of the management of schools from the independent Board of Education, which oversaw a partially decentralized system, and essentially eliminated the function of 32 community school boards.

Bloomberg and schools Chancellor Joel Klein centralized management and set up a new regional district plan in 2003. In 2007 they made another substantial change. Central management has shifted from regional controls to making individual principals much more accountable for education management.

Such management shifts cry out for discussion, but all the Mayor’s Management Report provides are statistics. Interestingly, in light of the new emphasis on principal accountability, the one principal indicator in the report shows that only 53.5 percent of principals in 2007 have more than three years of experience, down from 62.5 percent in 2003.

The “performance statistics” are meant to measure how well the new education department, to quote its one-sentence mission statement, “prepares students to meet grade level standards in reading, writing and math, and prepares high school students to pass Regents exams and to meet graduation requirements.”

This rather narrow definition of education success is accompanied by 97 indicators. But, oddly enough, there are no grade level standards for reading, writing and math. There are a few aggregate statistics for grades three to eight in “English Language Arts” and math (scores are up and down over the past two years, but positive over the past year) but no results for individual grade. (A note at the end of the education section says grade level results are “subject to a reporting lag” and will be registered in later reports.)

Similarly, there are no results for Regents exams in the 2006-2007 school year. There are, however, results in two general categories for the Regents exams in school years 2002-2003 through 2005-2006: The percentage of students in graduating classes with a 65 to 100 passing score in English in the 2005-2006 school year was 62.9 percent, much lower than the 69.2 percent passing score in the 2003-2004 year. In math, 62.3 percent of the students passed score in 2005-2006, better than the 56.4 percent in 2003-2004, but lower than the 65.7 percent in 2004-2005.

In other Regents exams -– U.S. history and government, global history and science (the report apparently treats all the Regents in the various sciences together) -- results in 2005-2006 were lower than in the 2003-2004 school year. In a second category – the percentage of students in graduating classes with a 55 to 100 passing score on the same exams scores – about 80 percent of the students met the standard, more than in the 2002-2003 school year. The number of students in the 55 to 100 score category in math and English also increased over the four years.

The news is better with graduation rates. The four-year graduation rate for general education students rose from 53.4 percent in the 2002-2003 school year to 59.7 percent in 2005-2006. The percentage of students who graduated within seven years rose slightly, from 68.6 percent to 69.5 percent.

Those few indicators – by themselves -- don’t permit much of a judgment about the success of the Department of Education’s mission. And, there’s not much else of use among the 97 indicators. The role of parents, for instance, is poorly documented: Five indicators address “parent involvement,” but there are no measurements of parent satisfaction (or dissatisfaction) with the schools.

The fact that parent coordinators in the schools – a Klein initiative

--fielded some 1.35 million phone calls is interesting. (There were over 14 million calls to the city’s non-emergency 311 hotline in 2007!) But were the parent calls complaints, requests for information or to ask for appointments? What do coordinators do with the calls? On another measure, what does it mean that the number of parent-teacher conferences has decreased?

Sobering Statistics for Homeless Services

The Department of Homeless Services raises different questions about management, since the bulk of its services are privately provided. Some $536 million of the department’s $735 million budget in 2007 was contracted out to 205 privately run shelter facilities for single adults and families. (Only 11 facilities are run by the city.)

According to the Mayor’s Management Report, the department “prevents homelessness and provides temporary emergency shelter for homeless people in a safe, supportive environment.” The link between mission and performance indicators is easier to document than in education.

And the statistics on prevention are sobering: In 2007, 10,165 homeless families entered the city’s shelter system, up 13 percent from 2003. The largest increase occurred in the past two years. The number of single adults entering the system in 2007 was 21,897, an increase of nearly 5 percent from 2003.

Further, the report acknowledges that the influx of new homeless families has hampered the city’s plan to place them in shelters according to their youngest child’s school address – the number of such placements actually dropped from 2006 to 2007.

The increase in homeless families has been matched in part by a rise in the number of families placed into permanent housing -- 5,654 in 2007 compared with 5,083 in 2003. But because the supply of suitable housing lags the need, the average length of stay for families in shelters increased from 303 days in 2003 to 325 days in 2007.

The performance results here clearly show that things have gotten worse. Despite that, the report offers no discussion of how earlier management initiatives did or did not affect these results. As with education, on homelessness, the administration already is on to its next initiative, in this case, “Advantage New York,” described very briefly as a “multi-faceted program, not only helping families to secure permanent housing, but also offering financial and legal counseling, savings incentives and aftercare services.”

Searching for Accountability

The graduation rates and homeless shelter statistics in the Mayor’s Management Report are excellent indicators of social needs. Such information, especially with the five-year data introduced by the mayor, provides a good basis to measure performance.

But New Yorkers we cannot measure management accountability without a better connection in the MMR between strategies and outcomes, between dollars spent and results produced. The technical introduction to the 2007 MMR claims that about 25 percent of the nearly 1,000 agency performance measures “reflect final outcomes,” while “40 percent relate to timeliness, quality or efficiency.”

That might be true. But there has to be more explanation. To take one more example from the report -- the cost per day for each family in a city-funded shelter is $95, up from $84 a day in 2003. Is that an “outcome” or a measure of “quality or efficiency”? Is it a positive result?

The Independent Budget Office in its fiscal year 2006 and 2007 programmatic analyses of city budget documents showed the usefulness of matching specific program information and specific program dollars with a greater variety of performance indicators. The MMR, useful as it is in some ways, continues the disconnect between dollars and management on one hand and performance results on the other. Glenn Pasanen, who teaches political science at Lehman College, has been in charge of Gotham Gazette's finance topic page since 2001. 

Adding Up: How Much Members Spend on Ads?


Coming to you from your councilmember's office is a barrage of holiday greetings, congratulatory remarks and well wishes sprinkled throughout your local newspaper.

But would you have known that that thumbs up for your son's or daughter's high school diploma or that "Have a Happy and Healthy New Year" appeared at the taxpayer's expense?

According to a report released today by Citizens Union - the good government group and sister organization of Citizens Union Foundation, which is Gotham Gazette's publisher - members of the City Council spent more than $780,000 on paid advertisements in local media from July 2002 through June 2006. More than half of that was racked up by just 10 members, with Michael Nelson of Brooklyn leading the pack.

The advertisements, according to Citizens Union Executive Director Dick Dadey, raise serious ethical questions about the use of public funds especially during an election year. While the City Charter prohibits the use of taxpayer money for campaign advertisements on radio, television or in the print media during an election year, several exceptions seem to allow these advertisements to slip through the campaign finance cracks.

Although the ads are not prohibited, the report argues they give already advantaged incumbents greater leverage by increasing their visibility at the taxpayer's expense. Some members, though, contend the ads are merely part of City Council's commitment to constituent service, letting New Yorkers know they are there, willing and ready to help with any issue or problem. The council advertisements are paid for out of a member's discretionary budget, which is approximately $300,000 annually, according to the Citizens Union report.

The report, which is available here, has set off a debate in City Hall over whether colloquial messages of good will to constituents should be prohibited. As a result, Council Speaker Christine Quinn with the Rules Reform Working Group is recommending to strictly limit the use of public funds for council advertisements, including banning holiday and congratulatory ads.

The Rules

The records compiled by Citizen Union are from a Freedom of Information Law request, which did not take into account the content of the advertisements. Thus one member may have purchased an ad to wish his constituents happy holidays, while another may want to notify residents of a job fair or a free mammography exam.

The report takes issue with the use of advertisements for promotional or congratulatory purposes. These notices, which increase visibility, seem to get little oversight from the speaker's office and might create a questionable relationship between council members and the local media in their districts.

"Given these ads are largely self promotional and congratulatory in nature, we feel like that taxpayers' dollars should not be spent for this purpose," said Dadey. "These ads are part of an incumbent protection effort that amount to campaigning. This is less about providing a public service and more about promoting the visibility of the elected official. Many of them are considering running for higher office."

While the City Charter prohibits the use of public funds for advertising from January of an election year until the day after voters go to the polls, several vague exemptions leave room for members to spend their independent budgets on advertising that could presumably boost their visibility. The charter allows "ordinary communications between elected officials and their constituents" and "communications necessary to safeguard public health and safety."

Citizens Union is calling for full disclosure on the nature of the ads, for the council to consider legislation that would ban ads that do not have a public service and for it to guarantee that elected officials adhere to the City Charter as many 2009 citywide campaigns quickly gain momentum.

In the two most recent city elections, council members spent nearly $180,000 from January through October in 2003 on advertising, while they spent almost $165,000 in the 10-month span before the 2005 citywide elections, according to the report.

Spending on ads did not increase, though, during the 10 months prior to an election. Over the four-year period analyzed with more scrutiny, spending hovered around $196,000 a year, regardless of whether any member was up for re-election.

Advertising purchases do spike, though, surrounding celebratory occasions. In September, December and June, which coincide with back to school and primary election season, graduations and ethnic parades as well as the holiday season, council advertisements flood local newspapers and journals.

The Advertisers

Brooklyn-based Nelson said the advertisements provide a service to constituents, from applauding residents for a job well done to supporting nonprofits or charitable organizations in his district. For example, he said, an ad in the annual Lunar New Year banquet journal of Homecrest Community Services reminds his constituents where his office is.

"I get my name recognition of course with it," said Nelson. But, he added, "Whether you vote or you don't, you read this. If you got a problem with a city agency... come in."

Nelson's ads, though, have added up and are more than double what any other member has spent. Nelson said 90 percent of his ads were directed toward public service announcements in journals. From July 2002 through June 2006, Nelson spent $82,099.

The other top five spenders doled out far less cash for advertising than Nelson. During the same four-year span, Dominic Recchia spent $50,899, James Gennaro $49,130, Joseph Addabbo $41,222 and Leroy Comrie $40,552.

While some members, like Nelson, rely on the ads to keep so-called communication up with their constituents, several current council members, including John Liu and Helen Foster, spent nothing out of public funds, while several others spent very little.

Although he may not use his City Hall discretionary funds, which he said go to pay staff, Liu said he uses approximately $4,000 to $5,000 a year from his campaign fund for advertisements in the local media. Because the ads include a member's contact information, Liu said he could see how they would fall into a public service category. But, he added, he sees the ads as more "promotional related."

"To the extent that it's making the contact information more widely available, I think there is a legitimate public purpose," sad Liu. "I treat that advertising as promotional related."

Promoting Visibility

Nelson said if he wanted to attract voters, he would have sent out mailings to his primary voting block instead of putting advertisements in local media. Others agreed that their ads were not political.

"Besides conveying greetings, the main purpose of the ad is to inform people and make people aware of our district office contact information, so we can be of assistance to our constituents and deal with any issues they might have," Gennaro said.

A Gennaro staffer said the ads the office takes out are for community outreach and advocacy and not political in nature. A spokesperson for David Weprin, who fell into Citizen Union's top 10 ad spenders at $39,799 from July 2002 through June 2006, said ads taken by the councilmember show constituents that his door is always open - that alone is a public service.

"It does provide a public service in terms of letting people know who their council members are in a given area," said spokesperson Pat Barrientos, who noted the majority of Weprin's ads are greetings. "I'm sure it will refresh people's memory… They happen to open the paper and boom that's him."

Other members also hesitated to say the ads had any influence in an election year.

"I think we're more visible given the nature of our job... whether we're there in person or we're there in a journal ad," said Addabbo. "We're not saying, "Happy Hanukkah, Merry Christmas, by the way vote for us,'" he added.

Helping Local Business

Some members, like Comrie, said taking out ads in local papers and journals helps boost the community's economy by contributing to advertising revenues and by indirectly supporting area charities. Some charitable journals, members said, receive a portion of their funding from selling advertising and contributing can be a way to give back to the community.

According to the report, some council members allege they were contacted by local media advertising departments, and in certain cases reporters, and encouraged to purchase ads. Comrie said his council office receives phone calls from advertising representatives from local media on a weekly basis. But, he added, he enjoys supporting local publications, which can often provide community coverage that New York City's dailies do not.

Liu said, "Publications can be aggressive in pursuing the business."

Several publishers said the ads from politicians are treated just like ads from any other individual or business and have become routine - one said it sends out annual reminders of the ads local legislators placed in the past. For a local politician, advertising can be a very effective way to reach out to constituents and less expensive than doing a district-wide mailing, representatives said.

Changing the Rules

Councilmember Tony Avella of Queens, who spent just over $2,000 from July 2002 through June 2006 on advertisements, introduced legislation last year that would prohibit the use of public funding on congratulatory advertisements - whether for Hanukah, Christmas or New Years. That legislation has yet to receive a hearing.

But since the members began digesting the Citizen's Union report, which was thrust into City Hall's rumor mill late last week, Quinn has proposed several rule changes. From July 2002 to June 2006, Quinn spent $12,655 on advertising.

Along with prohibiting holiday and congratulatory ads, Quinn is putting forth several internal rule changes, such as requiring ads to be informational or educational, prohibiting ads in fundraising journals and mandating a copy of an advertisement be accompanied by its invoice.

“The Citizens Union report has led to a discussion within the council on advertising spending,” said Quinn in a prepared statement. “Today, together with the Rules Reform Working Group, I am recommending several internal rules changes that will strictly limit council members use of taxpayer dollars to advertising which informs about a public service or event.”

Nelson, on the other hand, said he would not support any sort of policy change for council advertisements. If one did occur, he would follow the rules, but find another outlet, possibly his campaign fund, to continue putting his message out there.

"The road to hell is paved with good intentions," said Nelson. "Here's an example I don't agree with the pejorative."

Some members, like Addabbo said, they would be happy to participate in a discussion on reforming the council's advertising rules, such as limiting the ads to staff openings and town hall meetings. But for now, he sees the ads as good will.

"It gives an opportunity for a council member to extend best wishes," said Addabbo, "because we are the City Council and we are the frontline of defense to address certain quality of life issues." By putting members' names, addresses and phone numbers in advertisements, constituents will be better informed on where to turn, members said.

"It's taxpayer dollars going right back to the taxpayer," Addabbo said.

 



Print Friendly and PDF

Editor's Choice


Gotham Gazette: New York Voters Approve $4.2 Billion Environmental Bond Act
New York Voters Approve $4.2 Billion Environmental Bond Act
Gotham Gazette: 
New York City Voters Approve Racial Justice Ballot Measures
New York City Voters Approve Racial Justice Ballot Measures
Gotham Gazette: 
Housing Development in New York City Slows to a Crawl as Officials Debate Tax Incentives
Housing Development in New York City Slows to a Crawl as Officials Debate Tax Incentives
Gotham Gazette: 
City Council Examines Low Voter Turnout, Moving Local Elections to Even Years City Council Examines Low Voter Turnout, Moving Local Elections to Even Years